the noble nation, betrayed by its own children, immolated before his own eyes,- —or the home-troubles it would bring to

his fireside.

But the men who voluntarily assume the direction of public, or even private, affairs, must be ready for any emergency. Nobody has any right to assume that every thing will go right. Nor is there any ground to suppose that Mr. Lincoln did. On the contrary, his inaugural address clearly proved that his eye had pierced the probable future,-not, indeed, all that future which has since become history, for human ken could not reach so far. But that he has had to confront more surprises and grapple with more difficulties than could have been known to or anticipated by any human intelligence, will hardly be denied.

Some peculiar and fortunate qualities in his character have enabled him not only to save the country from ruin, but also to inspire and sustain a most healthy state of the body politic, in the midst of the avalanches and whirlwinds which have struck and shaken our whole system of civic life.

His first characteristic is self-control. He seldom, if ever, loses his equanimity. This gives room for the constant exercise of his judgment.

common sense.

His second characteristic is his good, plain, home-made, "This is a quality," Southey said, "rarer than genius." So far as all the real business of life is concerned for men or nations, strong common sense is the surest and safest guide. Through this alembic all the unfriendly and dangerous elements of this terrible conflict have had to pass.

Another quality has mingled itself, by the laws of affinity in moral chemistry, with Mr. Lincoln's executive acts,-humor, bonhommie, good nature. Men have complained of him on this ground. They have charged him with levity. But these critics should remember one of the fine sayings of Malsherbes, the great Frenchman, "A fortunate dash of pleasantry

has often saved the peace of families,-sometimes an empire." It is fully believed that Mr. Lincoln's cheerfulness has dissipated many a cloud that lowered around the "Home of the Presidents," and left its fragments "in the deep ocean buried." And, last of all, his firm faith in the durability of the republic is unbroken. All these qualities, united, make him what he is.

XLI.

Our New States.-The Founding of Wilderness Commonwealths. They must be protected.-How.

By the statesmen and philosophers of antiquity the highest honors were awarded to the founders of free states. The highest honors America has won have sprung from this same

source.

Would to God we had never reversed this principle of eternal justice in the building of empires and the distribution of honors!

If we had always stood fast by the spirit and integrity of the political maxims of Seventy-Six, what man or angel could measure the strength and prosperity of our nation now? Who could tell how far humanity itself would by this hour have travelled on its endless road of happiness and grandeur?

But the Constitution of 1789 found slavery a part of the social system of every one of the thirteen States, except Massachusetts. These States, however, while colonies, had always regarded African slavery as a burden, and a curse on the achievement of their independence. They held "involuntary service, except for crime," as a disgrace to a people who had fought seven years for their own liberty. Hence a portion of them took early measures for its abolition.

It is unnecessary to show the order in which the States made provision for the abolition of slavery. But we may glance at the manner and time in which slavery advanced or receded in the legislation which has marked the progress of our State and national politics.

Thus we find that the area of freedom and slavery in the States recently stood nearly equal. But the process of extending slavery over free soil has for some time been effectually arrested, and all the rest of our national territory has been solemnly and forever dedicated to freedom.

Slavery has hitherto reposed its chief confidence in adducing the specious argument that since the North and the South had always, by virtue of the Constitution, held a partnership between slavery and freedom, the area of each should be very equally preserved and augmented. Hence the precedent had been established, that when one free State was to be admitted to the Union, another State should be admitted with slavery.

But the exactions of the slave party at last became so great that the free States were compelled to "shut the gate down"

on any further extension of slavery. This issue brought on the war. Slavery must rule or ruin.

Forever afterwards the strife was limited to a single point, as I have said before :-slavery or liberty must fall.

This issue gave birth at once to the great act of Congress which declared that "hereafter no Territory shall be admitted to the Union with slavery."

This law has been accepted as a federal statute, and is being vigorously carried out.

THE NEW TERRITORIES, New Mexico, Utah, Nebraska, Colorado, Dakota, Arizona, Idaho, covering so vast a portion of the surface of the republic, are consecrated eternally to civilization. The black shadow of slavery has not polluted and cannot pollute those virgin soils. There labor will forever grow proud in the midst of its toil; for the blighting mildew of human servitude will never fall upon those blushing plains or their rock-ribbed mountains of silver and gold.

What now must be the policy which enlightened statesmanship would dictate for the civil and military government of these budding republics?

There was some danger that, in the immediate presence of stupendous perils pressing upon the eastern side of our empire, we might forget the hazards that menaced our western borders. That our Territories should not be forgotten is shown by the Indian massacres of Minnesota, and the murder of our citizens farther west. Other like scenes may occur at any day. It is the wrong moment for us to withdraw our protection from the scattered families and communities of the Far West. They braved every danger that confronts the pioneers who become the vanguard of our civilization. They knew how strong was the Government they were born under, and they did not feel one apprehension that in leaving the peaceful scenes of their early manhood's or childhood's home they would ever go where the shield of Washington would not still defend them. They all felt as adventurous Roman citizens