The benevolent intention of the right hon. writer of the foregoing article, which we have printed ENTIRE, as well for the information of posterity, as of our contemporaries, cannot be doubted. In directing his attention to the subject, he has effected a service to the church, and by the church to the nation, at large. The general prin ciple of the bill, is sufficiently explained in the letter, we therefore shall only remark that the summary power hereby given to the bishops of providing for the spiritual necessities of a parish, requires in their lordships an intimate acquaint ance with the concerns of the clergy, of which they are superintendants; and will probably lead to a still more adequate knowledge of the wants of the people, as well as of their pastors: to the great benefit of piety and morals.

The state of the church in Ireland, has already occupied our pages. Compare Panorama, Vol. III. page 449,* and we have elsewhere hinted pretty strongly at the necessity of the well performing of spiritual duties, as a powerful mean of enlightening the minds of the inhabitants of that part of the United Kingdom. We are not satisfied with the state of things among the Irish; but are glad to see any movements begun, which may, in time, lead to a better order, and to more effectual dissemination of knowledge; and by knowledge of civilization as well as piety, in that island.

The bill alluded to by Mr. Perceval, is entitled "A Bill for enforcing the resi"dence of spiritual persons on their "benefices in Ireland."-It authorises

the Bishops to enforce residence by issuing monitions--and if these be disregarded, to sequester benefices :-the Curates to be paid from the profits of the living, and the overplus to go toward improving the ecclesiastical estate-the clergy are not merely to obey these monitions, and then to be off again directly ;-but to

In p. 225 also of the same volume will be found the Papers relating to the Established Church in Ireland, as presented to the Hon. House of Commons, July 1807, with the Circular, from His Grace the Lord Lieutenant to the Primate and Archbishops of Ireland.

This

Ou turning to the tables annexed to the articles already referred to, the reader will perceive the number of parishes destitute of glebes, and of glebe houses The ne cessity of accommodating the resident clergy with situations becoming their character, appears demonstratively. bill enacts that all funds in the disposal of the Trustees of First Fruits in Ireland (except Primate Boulier's and Primate Robinson's) shall be applicable to the building of churches, or purchase of glebes.— The trustees may advance money for rebuilding, under boud for due applica tion-the money to be raised, as other rates-if the trustees desire assistance from the national treasury, the treasury may grant it, to the amount of £50,000.

These bonds to be the security; and when discharged by one place, the money to be free for the service of another

place. Incumbents who have built, to

be entitled to certain allowances-and the

archbishops and bishops, are not only to ascertain the value of all livings, but are enabled to enquire into the application of the money borrowed, and, in case of mal-practices may sequester the be

nefice.

It is probable that some alterations may take place in these bills, before they become laws however that may be, we are glad to see something in a train for being done it is a duty we owe to our country, and to ourselves.

LOCAL MILITIA.

SUGGESTIONS ON THE PROPOSED BILL

OF LORD CASTLEREAGH, FOR ESTA

BLISHING A LOCAL MILITIA.

The different stages of civilization into which mankind progressively advance, are not merely philosophical notions, but are actual circumstances of great moment to those who are placed at the head of nations. In the first state of society when the individual is a hunter, and obtains his living by fishing or by the chace, every member of the community may be converted into a warrior, without delay, without expence, and without inconvenience. Is he required to march to a distant point? -itis no more than he has been in the habit of performing daily. He has been accustomed to toil, to weariness, to rapid change of scene, and to the alternation of violent exertion and absolute inactivity. Agriculture, as a second state of society sets bounds to the roving dispositions of those who practice it, and attaches them to a certain and contracted space, on which their cares and labours are bestowed. But agriculture calls the labourer abroad, exposes him to the vicissitudes of the seasons; the atmosphere with all its changes surrounds him, and to these he becomes habituated. His labours, too, are strenuous: he exerts his muscular powers: his strength is encreased by constant exercise, and he becomes inured to fatigue. Manufactures, as the third state of society, change the lot of the individual almost entirely, and deprive him of those powers which nature imparts; but, which art debilitates. Restricted now to the interior of an edifice, warmed by artificial means, not by exercise, formed by habit to intense contemplation of one narrow spot, and bending all his faculties to the dextrous performance of one single action, he no longer developes the vigour of his constitution, is no longer that hale, hearty, robust, powerful, fleet or courageous hero, whose nerves never failed whatever were the duty imposed on them, whose heart never leaped, whatever danger it was called to meet, and to vanquish. Yet the artizan has advantages over the sons of commerce; for if he venture, he ventures only his person; and his courage once excited he meets a danger, and knows when it is past. Not so the dealer, whose pro

perty and capital is ever uppermost in his thoughts; who does not consider himself as safe, unless his traffic be safe also; and who dreads being deprived of his possessions, and thereby of his soul, as the witty Le Sage has described it, though every member of his body be safe.

What difficulties, then, surround the government of our island;-a land of commerce and manufacture! A land in which the most complicated interests are ever in competition, and what one desires, another detests! The almost impossibility of laying down a general rule that shall apply to the circumstances of all, without infringing on the rights, and the lawful occupations of any, is evident :-and becomes extremely evident, whenever a great exertion of national power is demanded by events.

When a force for public defence is to be raised, the man overwhelmed in commercial affairs, cannot spare time! confesses his unfitness! the habits of his life are so opposite!--The artizan remonstrates→ that his labours are suspended during his absence, that his loom will not work by itself, that his family depends on his diligence; and that his personal strength is inadequate. We turn then to the cultivator of the field, and remind him,—that his corn will grow, during his absence, that his fruits will ripen, that his health is firm, and that his occupations have inured him to toil. He answers-by. complaints of onerous rates to be paid, heavy taxes that return annually, and many, very many, hardships which fall to his lot-hard times! very hard times, indeed !—

But, remind these complainants that it is

FOR THEIR COUNTRY, That THEIR OWN GREAT BRITAIN calls for their united exertions, and the shuffling excuses which at first presented themselves vanish like the mists of morn before the rising sun: light beams on their minds, conviction flashes on their spirits, they shake off the listlessness of reluctant inactivity, and the gleam of arms becomes-not their endurance, but their delight.-Amongst the nymphs of our island has long associated many a youthful Achilles, who, during the

piping times of peace," has scarcely been distinguished from themselves; but, let some skilful Ulysses place before him the sword and the shield, the spear and

circumstances called them forth, they would be half-formed to duty, by previous knowledge. What prevents some such fashion from being general among us? Why should not every youth of fourteen be acquainted with something allied to arms? Why should not every indenture of apprenticeship make a reserve of a few hours, at stated times, for manual prac tice and why should not every freeman, before admission to his oath, be bound to proof that he has some ability to defend that freedom which he demands as his birth right?—TO SOMETHING VERY LIKE

THIS WE MUST COME AT LAST.

It is indifferent to the service whether this skill be acquired at home, or abroad; among a number at school, or on the village green. As those make our best sailors who are born on the coasts, because they have been used to the sight of the sea from their cradles, and this is the secret of our maritime superiority; so those would make excellent soldiers who had from their early years been accustomed to the din of arms, not as an extraordinary, but as a natural occurrence; as a thing into which they would fall of course, when their years entitled them. -We urge, then, the propriety of bringing home to the very doors of our population, a certain introductory preface to military skill. They should not have far to go to seek it; they should be at no loss where to obtain it. It should proceed equally in peace as in war; slowly, yet steadily; freely, yet firmly; kindly, yet correctly. This was the case when the long-bow was the English weapon. We see that our boys take to this warlike implement of their own accord. Those who cannot purchase it, make it. [We may say the same of that antient arm, the sling.] The introduction of fire-arms has effected a change, which, with the spirit and prevalence of manufacture, has damped this disposition. We now look for our defence to those who give themselves wholly to it; but let them discharge their duty, this intermeddles not with their's.

The second part of military skill is, the combination of the powers of individuals, and uniting them into organized bodies. This is not to be accomplished without a considerable sacrifice of time by the parties; it cannot be brought to individuals, but they must go to it. Yet this might be made much more familiar than it is.

The real and necessary principle of ac.. tuating numerous bodies by one mind, is simple; and, without the shew which is too often considered as the perfection of the system, it would not be very difficult. From a following page (285), the reader will learn that a great proportion of our population dwells in towns. If each town was considered as forming its own mili tary body, so much of this difficulty is obviated at once. Here begins what may be called the soldiership of the citizen! To be perfect, soldiers must be accustomed to act in large bodies; they must be acquainted with army duties. They must see others perform, as well as perform themselves. They must learn to bear, and to forbear, and to acquire that steadiness under arms, which gives time for a general to execute his plans.

Is it impossible to constitute a militia of such a description, that the inconveniences to which persons in the habits of peaceful life are subjected when drawn away from their business, shall be obviated? Take, for example, a watch-maker, or other professor of a sedentary business: he cannot leave his house for many days at a time, and march twenty miles to join the army, without a serious injury to his concerns. If he be a man in an extensive business, who is to superintend his workmen in his absence, to give orders, and answers to persons calling on him, and to provide for the payment of his acceptances? This man, then, is either lost to the nation as to military services, or ruined in his circumstances by being ballotted into the militia. For, what banker, presenting an acceptance for payment, will be content to retain the bill without protest, under the plea, "Sir, my master is gone to join the militia?" If it is answered, this man must pay the fine; sill the question recurs, "Why not render military service so easy, that he shall have no inducement to pay the fine, but rather to serve?" This is the condition of thousands and tens of thousands in Britain; and this the volunteers, by their regulations, have generally attended to. They meet for exercise in the morning, before business can be said to be begun; or in the evening, after it is over; and thus they avoid that loss which otherwise would ruin many of them. The intention of the militia laws should be, not to ob tain the money raised by fines, but to

render volunteer discipline and engagements effective. The class of persons who would engage, had they expected such service from their youth up, and found it compatible with their professions in life, would form a defence for this island, which Europe and the world might look at with envy. When we consider the influence of their example, of their connections, of their interest, and their emulation, we have reason to suppose that the recruiting powers of the respectable class in life would establish, at a small expense to the state, an army, which in numbers and in zeal would be unrivalled :

As on pure winter's eve, Gradual the stars effulge; fainter, at first, They straggling rise; but when the radiant host, In thick profusion pour'd, shine out immense, Each casting vivid influence on each, From pole to pole a glittering deluge plays, And worlds above rejoice and worlds below.

These are practical remarks:-the basis on which they are founded has been varied into effective strength, not in our volunteer corps only, but in our public companies. Look at the Bank: who sees regiments paying pounds, shillings and pence, or witnessing transfers of stock? Yet such we know is the case. Look at the India warehouses: the labourers, the clerks, the directors, might be passed by without notice as military men, when at their various duties; yet those who have seen them under arms, are very sensible of their soldier-like conduct. What an immense accession of security to the property of these establishments, is gained by the organisation of their servants into regular corps? all of which has been obtained without any interference with their official duties.

We shall push these arguments no further than to infer, that the strength of .. Britain is not yet called ont. There remains a prodigious proportion of our people which have not been induced, though often invited, to form any part of our defensive force; and which will not be so induced, till adequate motives are set before them, and their convenience be so far consulted, as to enable them, consistently with their avocations and domestic circumstances, to do this duty to their country. And, in truth, it is well for this nation that some adhere closely to their industry.

Every soldier, who is restrictively a soldier, is a hand lost to useful labour. He 'does not enable a district, or a parish, to pay a penny of its taxes. He draws from the public purse, but puts nothing into it; he is a burden, not an assistance. He plants no corn, though he consumes the harvest. He throws no shuttle, though he wears out the cloth which that implement fabricates. If all were sol4 diers, farewel commerce, literature, arts, science, studies of every kind. But to home-defenders this does not apply; they may be in training for necessary and indispensable purposes, without interrupting their daily occupations, till that happens which their state of preparation is perfectly well calculated to prevent.

This is, in fact, the glory of such a state of preparation. Were it completely in activity, where is the enemy who would so much as think of invading our country? A million of active young sands of horses trained to stand fire, with men, no novices at the musquet, thoua complete knowledge of the country on the behalf of our defenders, would ope rate as means of deterring the most infuriated enemy from insulting our shores: and whether this would not be eventually a cheap mode of preventing wars from such unprincipled aggressors as we are now struggling against, is a question that might be left, without anxiety, to the decision of those politicians who have compared the years of war with those of peace, during the last century, and who know the evils consequent on a state of hostility.

The plan proposed by Lord Castlereagh approaches toward the nature of what we have been stating; inasmuch as the force raised is local, and not to go far from home, except in case of emergency. It is only to occupy a limited time in each year in being trained, and individuals are to be only a fixed time engaged in it. But it does not accommodate all ranks of life; it does not provide against any member of it being obliged, by necessary causes, to remove out of a county, or district, to another place: it permits volunteers to join this militia, but it does not induce them so to do, by any additional convenience; it takes away covenanted servants from their masters, and it adheres to the system of fines, which political wisdom would wish were abolished. We believe, that it is a progress to