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fairly expressed. Founded on intelligence, it should be without coercion, bribery or intimidation; and thus cast, it should be honestly counted in determining results. These sentiments may appear familiar and trite, but they can not be too often repeated, and especially should those who, as servants of the people, have to perform legislative or executive functions, constantly remember that the chief end and aim of their service should be to preserve and transmit our free institutions, which can only be done when the will of an intelligent people is assured of a free and pure expression by the ballot.

The Thirty-third General Assembly was in session nearly six months. In the early part of the session Representative Harper introduced a bill for the purpose of creating a uniform license for the sale of spirituous liquors. This became a party measure, the Republicans taking the affirmative side of the question, and the Democrats accepting the negative. The bill was introduced on the 26th of January, and continued to be the subject of discussion in the House until June 8, when it passed by a vote of 79 yeas to 65 nays. It had the support of all the Republicans save four, and the opposition of all the Democrats but nine. In the Senate the bill was passed June 15, by a vote of 30 yeas to 20 nays. Twenty-nine Republicans and one Democrat voted for it, and nineteen Democrats and one Republican against it. An hour after its passage it received the signature of Gov. Hamilton, and on the 1st of July it became the law.

Of the Republicans in the House who were most active for the bill were, Adams, Bethea, W. F. Calhoun, W. J. Calhoun, Coats, Fuller, Hoffman, Johnson, Littler, McCartney, Morrison, Owen, Parker, Stimming, Thomas and Worthington, and of the Democrats, Day, Grear, Greathouse, Gregg and Willoughby; and of the Democrats who most actively opposed the passage of the measure were, Abrahams, Billings, Crafts, Haines, Herrington, Klupp, Linegar, McNally, Quinn, Sexton, Starkel, Vaughey and Yancey, and of the Republicans, Wendell. In the Senate the Republicans who

were most active for the bill were, Clough, Fifer, Hogan, Hunt, and Rice, and of the Democrats, Edwards; and of Democrats most active in opposing it were, Duncan, Hamilton, Merritt and Shaw, and of the Republicans, Needles. Mr. Morrison was the acknowledged leader on the Republican side, and Mr. Haines-although an Independent -on the Democratic. The contest was long, and, at times, very exciting, and it remained a matter of doubt as to which side would triumph, until the very hour the final vote was taken. The leaders were very evenly matched as to ability and parliamentary tactics.

This was the important measure of the session. Exclusive of the appropriation acts there were few bills passed, and they were not momentous in character, if we except "House Bill No. 504," entitled "An act to enable railroad companies to extend their lines or construct branches to points not named in their articles of incorporation, and to enable any railroad company in this State to have power to purchase, own and hold the stock and securities of any railroad that forms a continuous line of travel from this to another State," which received the veto of the Governor. His objections to the bill are plainly and forcibly set forth in this extract from his veto message:

"To allow this bill to become a law, would be to allow the officers and directors of any railroad company in this State to use the surplus earnings of the road-which by law belongs to the stockholders-in the purchase and manipulation of railroad stocks and securities, in the market, and thus permit them to become powerful speculators in the stocks and securities of their own company and those of all other companies formed in other States, with whose lines of railroad they may connect at the borders of this State anywhere, or with which they may form a continuous line of travel.

"The grant of such extraordinary powers and privileges to the officers of a railroad company would enable them to manipulate the price of the stocks and securities of their own company at will, and controlling the fortunes and business of the railroad, to artificially force the price

of such sucurities up or down, as they pleased, and thus by the 'freezing out' process, well known in corporation circles, the number of stockholders would in due course of time be limited to the few manipulators, and at a financial sacrifice to those stockholders not in the official management.

"But the grant of such dangerous power as this proposed in the bill would enable railroad corporations to accomplish another great wrong, intended to be forbidden by the policy of our constitution and laws. Under the provisions of this bill, if it should become a law, any railroad company organized under the laws of this State, whose line of railroad runs into Chicago, for instance, or any other locality on the border of the State, and there connects or forms a continuous line of travel with railroads running through and organized in another State-might, from its accumulating surplus capital, purchase the stocks and securities of such connecting' or 'continuous' railroad in another State without limitation, until it could own the majority of such stocks and securities, and thereby own and control any one, or any number of these lines; thus, in fact, combining them into one vast and powerful monopoly by a consolidation of capital in fact—although formal consolidations of the corporations are expressly and wisely forbidden by law, particularly as to parallel or competing lines.

"I especially object to the last clause of this bill, which is as follows: 'And any purchases (i. e. of stocks or securities) heretofore made within the purposes of this act are hereby declared to be lawful.'

"The object of this clause is plain, and can not be mistaken. It is to quietly legalize confessedly illegal acts heretofore committed."

This was the first test Governor Hamilton had with legislation of doubtful import, and his emphatic disapproval of it met the hearty approbation of the people.

A joint resolution proposing an amendment to the Constitution, giving the Governor power to veto objectionable portions of appropriation bills without impairing the validity of the whole act, passed both houses.

Although Governor Cullom, in retiring from the Executive chair, left the people in perfect peace, the administration of his successor was soon disturbed by the outbreak

of a mob in the mining district of St. Clair county, and the Illinois National Guard was called out to aid in the enforcement of the law. In this conflict one of the disturbers of the peace lost his life, and in concluding an elaborate report to the General Assembly, concerning the use of the State militia on that occasion, Governor Hamilton said:

"I regret as much as any one the necessity which caused the shedding of blood and loss of human life. But in this State, men of all classes must seek redress for wrongs by peaceful and quiet means, and the remedies afforded to all people in the law. They must not attempt to defy the government, trample law under foot, and enforce their demands by violence and intimidation. There can be no objection to workingmen of any kind refusing to work, when dissatisfied with their wages, and thus peaceably demanding and obtaining higher wages, but they have no right to assemble themselves into a lawless mob of rioters, and go about the country taking possession of property not their own, and preventing other workingmen, who are satisfied and who want to work, from work, by abuse, assault, threats, intimidation and terrorizing, or by forcibly compelling them to cease work. The workingmen, just as all other citizens, must and shall be protected in all their natural and legal rights, so far as lies in my power, while chief executive of this State, but whenever they attempt to redress their grievances by violence and force, and thus place themselves beyond the pale of the law's protection, and in open defiance of its officers, then they will come into unequal contest with all the power of the government, civil and military, and must expect to get worsted in every such conflict. For the government must rule, law must be respected, officers obeyed while in the discharge of their duty, and the peace preserved at all hazards, without fear or favor.

This bold, yet calm and deliberate expression of a determination on the part of Governor Hamilton, that he intended to see that the majesty of the law was upheld, even though in order to do so he would have to use the whole power of the State, was opportune, and had the effect to put a sudden end to the mob spirit which was then stalking abroad in the State, and threatened the destruction of both life and property.

CHAPTER XLVI.

JOHN DEMENT.

Col. John Dement, who died at his home in Dixon, on the 16th of January, 1883, was born in Sumner county, Tennessee, April, 1804. He came to Illinois with his parents in 1817; he soon won the confidence of the people of his adopted State, and was elected sheriff of Franklin county in 1826; he represented that county in the General Assemblies of 1828-30; he participated in three campaigns against the Indians; in the first he was aid-de-camp to Gov. Reynolds, with the rank of Colonel; in the second he was a Captain; in the third he was a Major, and commanded a battalion, which had a hotly contested engagement with Black Hawk and his entire band at Kellogg's Grove, in which that noted warrior was repulsed; and Black Hawk is reported to have said that Col. Dement was the bravest man he ever faced in a battle. In 1831, the General Assembly elected him State Treasurer; he was twice re-elected, but resigned the office in 1836, to serve the people of Fayette county as a Representative in the General Assembly, but failing in his efforts to prevent the removal of the capital to Springfield, he resigned his seat in that body and removed to the lead mines in the northern part of the State. In 1837, he was appointed by President Jackson Receiver of Public Moneys, and held the office through the Administration of President Van Buren, but in 1841, President Harrison removed him. In 1844, he was district elector for Polk and Dallas; in 1845, President Polk reappointed him Receiver of Public Moneys; he was a delegate to the Constitutional Convention of 1847; in 1849, President Taylor removed him from

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