to the Union and to perpetuate freedom in the State; committed to the very things, and nearly all things, the Nation wants, and they ask the Nation's recognition and its assistance to make good this committal. Now if we reject and spurn them we do our utmost to disorganize and disperse them. We in fact say to the white man, you are worthless or worse; we will neither help you, nor be helped by you. To the blacks we say: This cup of liberty which these, your old masters, held to your lips, we will dash from you, and leave you to the chances of gathering the spilled and scattered contents in some vague and undefined when, where and how. If this course, discouraging and paralyzing both white and black, has any tendency to bring Louisiana into proper practical relations with the Union, I have so far been unable to perceive it. If, on the contrary, we recognize and sustain the new government of Louisiana, the converse of all this is made true. We encourage the hearts and nerve the arms of 12,000 freemen to adhere to their work, and argue for it, and proselyte for it, and fight for it, and feed it, and grow it, and ripen it to a complete success. The colored man, too, in seeing all united for him, is inspired with vigilance and energy and daring to the same end. Grant that he desires the elective franchise, will he not attain it sooner by saving the already advanced steps toward it, than by running backward over them? Concede that the new government of Louisiana is to what it should be as the egg is to the fowl, we shall sooner have the fowl by hatching the egg, than by smashing it. Again, if we reject Louisiana we also reject one vote in favor of the proposed amendment to the National Constitution. To meet this proposition it has been argued that no more than three-fourths of those States which have not attempted secession are necessary to validly ratify the amendment. I do not commit myself against this, further than to say that such a ratification would be questionable, and sure to be persistently questioned, while a ratification by three-fourths of all the States would be unquestioned and unquestionable. I repeat the question. Can Louisiana be brought into proper practical relation with the Union sooner by sustaining, or by discarding her new State government? What has been said of Louisiana will apply to other States. And yet so great peculiarities pertain to each State, and such important and sudden changes occur in the same State, and withal so new and unprecedented is the whole case that no exclusive and

inflexible plan can safely be prescribed as to details and collaterals. Such exclusive and inflexible plan would surely become a new entanglement. Important principles may and must be inflexible. In the present situation, as the phrase goes, it may be my duty to make some new announcement to the people of the South. I am considering, and shall not fail to act when satisfied that action will be proper.

ASSASSINATION.

Four days after this speech, April 14, while seated in a private box at Ford's Theater with his wife and some friends, he was shot by an assassin, and died next morning at 7 o'clock. His body was embalmed and lay in state for six days, when it was placed on board a funeral train of nine cars, which started April 21, at 8 a. m., for the burial place at his distant home via Baltimore, Harrisburg, Philadelphia, New York, Albany, Buffalo, Cleveland, Columbus, Indianapolis and Chicago, arriving at Springfield, Wednesday, May 3, at 9 a. m., after a journey of thirteen days. Thousands upon thousands of griefstricken people thronged the funeral route, and everywhere the deepest sorrow was made manifest. At Springfield, his body lay in state one day, and was sorrowfully viewed by multitudes of men and women from all parts of the State, and on May 4 all that was mortal of the great statesman was tenderly and affectionately laid to rest at Oak Ridge Cemetery, where an enduring monument of marble and brass commemorates his memory. But marble and brass can add nothing to the fame of Abraham Lincoln; he builded for himself a monument that will live when these evidences of love and admiration have passed away.

How LINCOLN CAME TO CHALLENGE DOUGLAS.

Soon after Mr. Lincoln had been made the candidate of the Republiean party for United States Senator, in opposition to Douglas, he was met by O. M. Hatch, then Secretary of State, who said to Mr. Lincoln:

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"You must challenge Douglas to a joint discussion." "I do not know so well about that," said Lincoln.

"It is Democrats you wish to talk to," replied Hatch, and if you do not avail yourself of those who assemble to hear Douglas, you may be sure of never having a Dem

ocratic audience.'

Mr. Lincoln readily saw the force of Mr. Hatch's remarks and his challenge to Douglas on the 24th of July was the result.

NEVER AN ABOLITIONIST.

The whole life and character of Abraham Lincoln shows that while he was always opposed to slavery, he was never an Abolitionist in the sense in which Owen Lovejoy, Charles Sumner, or Wendell Phillips were. A series of resolutions passed both branches of the General Assembly of Illinois, of which he was a member in 1837, praying the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, to which Mr. Lincoln entered his solemn protest in the words following:

"Resolutions upon the subject of domestic slavery having passed both branches of the General Assembly at its present session, the undersigned hereby protest against the passage of the same. They believe that the institution of slavery is founded on both injustice and bad policy; but the promulgation of abolition doctrines tends rather to increase than abate its evils. They believe that the Congress of the United States has no power under the Constitution to interfere with the institution of slavery in the different States. They believe that the Congress of the United States has the power, under the Constitution, to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, but that power ought not to be exercised, unless at the request of the people of said District. The difference between these opinions and those contained in said resolutions, is their reason for entering this protest.

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"DAN STONE, ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

"Representatives of Sangamon County."

(See House Journal of 1837.)

"NEVER KEPT LIQUOR IN MY HOUSE AND WILL NOT BEGIN NOW."

This characteristic incident in the life of Abraham Lincoln was related to us by one who was present at the time it occurred. Soon after Lincoln received the nomination for President at Chicago, Milton Hay, S. M. Cullom, O. M. Hatch and John Bunn met in the State Library to consult as to the manner of entertaining the National Committee, which consisted of one from each State and the President of the Convention, which was soon expected to visit Springfield for the purpose of formally notifying Mr. Lincoln of his nomination. Well understanding his position upon the question of temperance, they were at a loss to know whether to provide liquor for his guests at his home or not. They had not been aware of Mr. Lincoln's presence until this subject was reached, when he stepped forward and decided the matter for them. He said: “I have never kept liquor in my house and will not begin now." We are told that a room was provided at the Chenery House, which was then the leading hotel of Springfield, where the distinguished visitors were supplied with such liquors as they desired. On this question, as upon all others, Lincoln stood upon principle, and he was unwilling to surrender principle in this case, even though in so doing he might advance his own personal interests.

"A ONE-IDEA COURT."

This pleasing anecdote is related to us of Abraham Lincoln by a gentleman who frequented the Supreme Court room in Springfield, when Lincoln practiced before that Court. On one occasion, Judges Breese, Skinner and Caton were in the Library, talking of their boyhood days and the coincidence of their having all been born in the same State-New York-and the same county-Oneida. Just then Lincoln stepped in, and having a few days before lost

a case which had been tried before the Court, in which all three Judges were against him, wittily said: "I thought this was a one-i-da Court, and now I know it."

CHAPTER XXI.

STATE CAMPAIGN OF 1866,

Aggregate Vote for State Officers-Congressman-at-Large-Congressmen,

by Districts.

The Republicans met in State Convention at Springfield, August 8, and nominated George W. Smith, for Treasurer; Newton Bateman, for Superintendent of Public Instruction, and John A. Logan for Congressman-atLarge.

The Democrats held their Convention at the same place, August 29, and nominated Jesse J. Phillips for Treasurer; John M. Crebs, for Superintendent of Public Instruction, and T. Lyle Dickey for Congressman-at-Large.

The Democratic ticket was exceptionally strong, for the reason that it was composed exclusively of War-Democrats-men who had served their country gallantly on the tented field-and it was believed that if the Democrats could carry the State at all, it would be with such a ticket, for, aside from their soldierly qualifications, these gentlemen were personally popular.

The campaign was short but vigorous, Logan and Dickey making the chief canvass, but the Republicans were the victors.

Smith's majority was 55,653; Bateman's, 55,161, and Logan's, 55,590.