spirit of conciliation and concession, compromise our existing differences upon just and equitable terms; let us all do this for the good of all. Our fathers set us such an example in the formation of the Federal Constitution; and why cannot we follow it as the condition of preserving and perpetuating that sacred instrument? To do so would be no discredit or disparagement to any one, but an honor to all. The people, posterity, and future history, in the name of freedom and humanity, call for it.

"Personally, I would prefer compromise upon the basis of non-intervention by Congress with slavery in the States, in the Territories, and in the District of Columbia. My own choice would be, to leave the people of the States and Territories, each to decide for themselves, whether they would or would not have slavery, and what should be the character of their other local institutions. This would be my choice, but if such a settlement is unacceptable to the majority, then I am willing to forego my strong objections to a geographical line, and adopt the plan of adjustment recommended by a committee of the members from the border States, which is familiar to the members of the House, and which, as the peace offering of conservative men, would no doubt meet the approbation of the great mass of the people, a plan which I understand my distinguished friend from Arkansas (Mr. Rust) is prepared to bring before the House on the first opportunity."

SPEECH OF OWEN LOVEJOY.

"So far as the question of argument is concerned, it has been exhausted. A son does not argue or appeal to decide as to the propriety of killing the assassin of his mother; neither do the sons of the republic need longwinded arguments to induce them to put down this accursed rebellion. We want men, not speeches; men with muskets in their hands, not hurrahs from their throats. I have but little reputation as a conservative man, so far as I have been informed. Some people go so far as to say I am slightly tinctured with fanaticism in my views of the slavery question. For myself, I claim to be a sort of an anointed prophet of the Lord. I have faith in God, and next to Him, in the American people. Let us not fall into the error of the man who, standing by the side of a bayou or arm of the sea, and witnessing the ebb of the tide, exclaimed that the sea was becoming dry land again. Rather let us say that behind and beyond the

temporary reverses now afflicting us, there will come up the great uprising of popular patriotism, which in its certain flood, shall cover with its proper element and spirit the ground lost in those temporary reverses.

"It is not for any of us to say that during the trying emergency in which we are at present placed, he could manage the ship of State more satisfactorily than the one who is now at the helm. Let us each seize a rope and do what we can to prevent its destruction. This is common sense. I call it good common sense for a 'fanatic.' We must preserve the Nation; we must preserve it intact from rebels at home, or foreign intervention. We must not allow French intervention in Mexico. Neither must we allow a descendant of that old British tyrant, George the Third, to plant his throne in Southern soil within the boundaries of the Republic. We must therefore defend our soil if every foot of the domain is consecrated with the blood of a slain hero. We must preserve our nationality, and for myself, I don't want to survive the permanent dismemberment of these United States. I had a thousand times rather lay down my life on the battle field than outlive such a dreadful event. I don't know what God wills, but I have a shrewd suspicion that He wills what we will. The maintenance of the Government and the perpetuity of the Union are a necessity. What! consent to a dismemberment? Suppose we allow the confederates to secede, what do we gain? We gain a confederacy more despotic than any monarchy of Europe. With Canada on the north, and this hated Southern Confederacy on the south, with all the power and hate of England to back her, we are ground to powder between the upper and nether mill-stone.

"How is our nationality to be preserved? By every man, woman and child consecrating themselves to the great work till the rebellion is suppressed. This is a matter that cannot be settled by resolutions or meetings, nor ballots; it's got beyond that; it's bayonets and bullets now. War has hardly touched us yet in the great Northwest; it has not yet laid upon us its bloody hand, that we feel its withering, blighting curse. We must buy and sell and conduct our business as usual, but the one grand idea must ever be prominent-the suppression of this rebellion. We must make this war the great business of our lives till it is ended."

SPEECH OF JOHN F. FARNSWORTH.

"They have massed an immense army, and are fighting with a desperation we have not evinced. Until we have the same spirit, we shall not conquer them. When we seize all agencies, as they do, we shall conquer, and that right speedily. The rebels have got their last large army. Every man has been compelled to take arms and fight in the front of the rebels. When we do this, rebeldom will be put down. The people of the North are getting over their tender-footed conservatism which has sacrificed too many lives dear to your firesides. My friends, there is at this moment, in the Southern States, an army of men equal to our entire army in numbers. They are our friends. They will work for us, and fight for us, if you will but say the word. You are allowing them now to cultivate corn and wheat to feed your enemy. You are letting them work in the trenches and build fortifications against you. The entire element is ready-and I speak from my knowledge-is ready to act, and work, and fight for you. A rebel throat is none too good to be cut by a black man. I find in Virginia, that the only reliable, truthful men from whom we can obtain information about the rebel armies, their roads and their scouts, were in the poor hovels of the negro. Using all the skill and experience I have had as a lawyer, I have questioned white men, and when I had done, some old negro, too old to bear arms, would nod to me to meet him behind the barn, and would tell me 'massa lied,' and would impart to me information which subsequent experience proved true. I have never known them to tell an untruth to me. I want to see an expression go forth from this meeting, lifting up the hands of the President and Cabinet for using every agency we can lay our hands upon. The voice of the people is the voice of God. It is authoritative with statesmen and generals. That voice, I trust, will be heard. I hope the fruits of this meeting will be felt. I hope it will not be an exodus for the accumulated gas of speeches. Organize your companies and train them at home for any emergency which may occur. I want to see the wealthy merchants, who own these large buildings, the well-to-do lawyers and thriving physicians come down with the sinews of war to aid the men who are fighting the battles of the stay-at-homes. I see before me at least two regiments of men. What are you doing here? You've all got your little property at stake. Put your names on the muster roll."

SPEECH OF ISAAC N. ARNOLD.

"Starting from the Nation's capital, all along through New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio and Indiana, you see a vast uprising of the people, with a fixed, stern determination, at any cost, to crush out this vast rebellion. But it is in the Northwest, and in this great city of the Northwest, that the zeal and energy of patriotism is most active and all-pervading.

"Illinois is meriting for herself and her children a glorious record. She had won distinguished honors in the Mexican war. Bissell and Hardin had associated their names and the name of Illinois with Palo Alto and Buena Vista; but in this far more glorious war, in which the faithful fights for his country against rebels and traitors, far more cruel and barbarous than Mexican guerillas, Illinois covered herself with glory. The bones of her sons lie scattered on every battle-field in the valley of the Mississippi. With more than 60,000 of her gallant sons in the field, the President, whom Illinois has given to the Nation, calls for more troops.

"Illinois springs to the rescue. Her commercial capital speaks to-day in a voice which will thrill the Nation. The Northwest is ready. As a citizen of this city, I claim today to express my thanks to the Board of Trade. You have done nobly, and your efforts will tell in all the Northwest, and be felt throughout the loyal States, and I doubt not the gallant soldiers you raise will be felt among the barbarians in arms against our country.

"Every great war has underlying it a great idea. What is the great idea which gives impulse and motive power to this war? It is our nationality. The grand idea of a great continental republic, ocean bounded, and extending from the lakes to the gulf, commanding the respect of the world, is an idea implanted deeply in the American heart, and it is one for which every American patriot will fight, and if necessary die. Nowhere is this sentiment stronger than in the Northwest. With one hand we clasp the East, and with the other the Northwest will grip the South, and we will hold this Union together. We will not see this grand republic split up into contemptible Mexican provinces-always fighting and destroying each other. Încident to this idea of nationality-and becoming every day stronger-is another, that this grand republic must be all free, filled with one great, free population.

"The suicide of slavery is being enacted before our eyes. Let the cursed, barbarous, traitor-breeding institution die. The slave-holder has himself given to it the mortal wound; let no timid Northern dough-face attempt to staunch the blood. The end of slavery will prove the regeneration of the Nation.

I

"Liberal bounty is offered to the gallant volunteer. wish to state a fact which may not be generally known. The Congress just adjourned provided by law that all our foreign-born soldiers should become the adopted children of the Republic; he who fights for the flag shall be immediately a citizen. We could not do less for the gallant Germans, the countrymen of Sigel, and Osterhaus, and Willich, for the brave Irishmen, who, under Meagher, and Shields, and Mulligan, are fighting for the old flag. To every Irishman I would say, remember Corcoran, and rally to his rescue.

"Who shall pay the cost of this war? Let us quarter on the enemy, confiscate the property, and free the slaves of rebels."

CHAPTER XI.

BEFORE THE CONFLICT.

Lincoln's Departure for Washington-Farewell Words at SpringfieldSpeech at Cincinnati-Inaugural Message-Resignation of Southern Senators and Representatives-Vulgar Cartoon of Lincoln by Harper's Weekly.

The politicians of the slave States, as we have before shown, had, for forty years, sounded the disunion cry whenever the National Government had manifested any disposition not to comply with their every demand; and now that the North had elected, as they termed it, an Abolitionist, President, there was concert of action among those States in putting that oft-repeated threat into execution, and without waiting to consult the newly elected