every point in the game, could have prepared a singular list. It should be remembered that at the opening of his senatorial career it was seriously proposed to yield all that Morrill's legislation had won for us, and that at the time of his death the League of Nations was pressed as something that must be swallowed, irrespective of its merits, just because an executive so willed.

From 1828 to 1919 is a long life. During those nine decades nullification had threatened to resist the law; tariff reduction had made our bonds objects of scornful pity; a constitution adopted by the Confederate States had declared that no protective duty should ever be levied, and half a dozen strong protective tariffs had proved their efficiency. Edmunds was one of the few who had seen two low tariffs, those of 1846 and 1913, so etherized by Old World conditions that their teeth were drawn. He could recall

when Henry C. Carey's writings had been new books, and he lived in a generation after Swank's "Iron in All Ages," and for years after Curtiss had written "The Industrial Development of Nations."

relief. Financial interests are being driven into a corner and business enterprise is being killed. The income tax, the war tax, the excess profits tax, the capital stock tax, plus local and state taxes will have taken for the years 1918 and 1919 almost the whole of the net earnings of many individuals, firms and corporations. This is so retarding business growth and development that presently there will be none in the country. The goose being dead, where are the golden eggs to come from? Let the war debt be refunded. Let it be distributed over a period of 50 or 100 years. Give the country a chance to recuperate and business a chance to grow and thereby increase the national wealth to create new values that will be exposed to assessment and payment of taxes. I would gradually retire the government bonds in such a way as not to disturb or destroy business, but to encourage it. Further, I would advise that the debts owing the government by foreign nations for money advanced them be secured by the bonds of these countries and sold to American investors and the proceeds used by the government in paying its obligations to our own people." At least some of these heavy taxes could have been avoided if Mr. Wilson had heeded the demand for preparedness when prices were lower, and if reckless extravagance had been suppressed and incompe tence had not been permitted to reign. in many departments for many months. The people must foot the enormous bills caused by these twin evils extravagance and incompe

tence.

would send ships to New York harbor, but not to Pittsburgh and Cincinnati-the case has not been better stated since.

Joseph C. Holsby, for a dozen years London representative of the Todd Protectograph Company, recently declared that there is now to be "a protective tariff duty on all goods coming into the country," meaning England, because "this has become a necessity." Nevertheless our free trade friends urge and beseech us not to lower merely but to tear down altogether our barriers and to admit free all products from competing countries. How long could we successfully struggle against the conditions they are endeavoring to bring about?

How well government operation of railroads has worked is shown by the definite reports to the Interstate Commerce Commission of earnings covering eleven months for 195 railroads whose annual earnings are each $1,000,000 or more. They show, with the earnings for December estimated, that those lines earned about $718,000,000, or $250,000,000 less than in 1917 and $370,000,000 less than in 1916. Operating expenses were $1,119,000,000 more than they were in 1917, wage advances having added $636,000,000 to the expenses. Since the December estimate another large increase has been made in wages.

One reason advanced for the British boycott is "the precarious labor situation, not only from the standpoint of unrest among the workers,

but the danger of unemployment, which if prevalent to any degree at all would be most difficult to handle." Precisely, and that is one of the objects of a protective tariff, to prevent unemployment and industrial unrest. If it is right and proper now to bar out all manufactured goods, except a few permitted by special licenses, to provide work during the demobilization of the British army, why should not a protective tariff be resorted to in order to prevent unemployment in peace times?

There is quite a difference between finding markets in other countries for our surplus industrial products and manufacturing largely or solely for foreign markets. Under a protective tariff we did find and were finding every year in increasing measure foreign markets for our surplus industrial products. At the same time in our domestic markets competition of rivals from foreign industrial countries was regulated by the tariff rates which prevented such competition from becoming ruinous. It was held in check in our territory, where it is presumed our people prefer to have Our wage earners well employed rather than idle and discontented. If it is better to have unemployment widespread, our industrial establishments tenantless, and the machinery silent, there is one sure way to bring about that condition. That way is to continue the present Underwood-Simmons law which has so reduced the rates of duty as to make the average the lowest in the history of the country.

The recent organization of the American Labor Party in New York, Chicago, and other cities, with a radical platform, with the demand that there must be a union of the proletariat of the cities with the farmers' Non-Partisan League, calls for more than passing notice.

The leaders of this new political movement claim that they already have a membership in New York and Chicago of 150,000 in each, and that other cities are crying for organizers to "get into line." Samuel Gompers went to New York and made a strong speech against the formation of an independent party of the working class, and he printed his speech in the January issue of the American Federationist, the official organ of the A. F. of L.

The outstanding feature of this new organization is its cordial endorsement by the Socialist leaders and press of the nation. It is said. that the Non-Partisan League through Mr. Townley is already negotiating with the leaders of this new party movement for a "union of forces."

The platform of the new party is socialistic through and through. In the first place they declare that the American workers are in economic slavery and that out of this great war must come a "new nation," and

thus the American workers must prepare for this by organizing on

the political field to save the world. from the "decay of civilization." The platform declares against the "inequality of riches" and for "healthy equality," whatever that may mean. It demands the liberation of all those traitors to the nation who have been sent to jail during the war and the restoration of their po litical rights.

In order that the reader may see the drift of this new party read the following from their platform:

The public utilities taken over by the government as a war necessity should be permanently retained, other public utilities which are the foundation of the successful reorganization of industry to be taken out of the hands of private owners.

We, therefore, favor the municipal, state and national ownership of public utilities, such as railways, telegraphs, telephones, mines, stockyards, grain elevators, irrigation dams and water power plants, unused lands, and the war Emergency Fleet Corporation to establish a merchant marine, and that it be democratically managed by the

workers.

Democratically managed by the workers would mean that freight upon the seas in American ships would cost three times as much as is charged by the ships of any other nation on earth, and these men imagine that with such a handicap they can sail the seas with American freight!

The question will naturally be asked why the organization of this