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tive capacity of France greatly reduced by war; with the Eastern Mediterranean unable to ship us goods, the effect of the low tariff was largely offset by these conditions. These four historic lessons should be taught together; they ought to be laid before every school debating club; they should enter into every newspaper loyal to the protective principle. Here are facts that will pay any young writer for a few evenings' study. There is nothing haphazard about them-no finer illustration of cause and effect can be found in all the

logicians from the Greeks down to John Stuart Mill.

Under the highest tariffs there have been undervaluations and smugglings. But the whole world looked on with surprise when the Deutschland ran the blockade. It is far less easy and far more perilous to run by a hostile cruiser than to find a doubtful clause in a tariff. The man who has one consignment of goods captured may profit handsomely on his next cargo, but the vessel that gets a heavy shot under the waterline goes to Davy Jones without delay.

STOOD FOR AMERICANISM.

Captain King Swope, a soldier of the European war, whose victory on August 2 over Judge Charles A. Hardin, Democratic state chairman, in the 8th Kentucky Congress District provoked great interest among politicians around the country, in a statement written for The New York Tribune, tells about the issues on which he based his campaign.

His plurality over Judge Hardin was about 1700 in a district which usually is carried by the Democrats by about 2000, and which has continuously been represented by a Democrat since 1896.

The Kentucky Democrats assert that Captain Swope did not make the League of Nations the dominant issue in his campaign. Republicans stoutly assert that Captain Swope ran on a platform of Republicanism, flatly opposing President Wilson's policies. Captain Swope, in his statement, statement,

says:

"My district, the 8th Congress District of Kentucky, is one of the most typically American districts in the United States, composed of people noted for their intelligence, patriotism, industry and hospitality.

"In this district are Kentucky College for Women, the largest female college in Kentucky; Centre College which has turned out more statesmen than any other college in the South and has produced more Vice-Presidents of the United States than any other college in the nation, and Berea College, which was declared by President Wilson to be the greatest institution of its kind in our country.

"It is the district that was at one time represented by the late James B. McCreary, who was twice Governor of Kentucky, and served in the United States Senate. It is the home district of the late William O. Bradley, who was the first Republican Governor Kentucky ever had, and

who was later elected to the United States Senate and died while a member of that body. And it was represented for the last twelve years by the late lamented Harvey Helm.

"It is a district that has always stood for everything that is American and opposed everything that was unAmerican. It is in the heart of the famous blue grass region of Kentucky, known throughout the world. for its fine lands, fine cattle, and thoroughbred horses. The people are engaged principally in agricultural pursuits and have scarcely felt the imprint of foreign immigration.

"The people of that district believe in liberal legislation in favor of the promotion of agricultural interests. They are in favor of all legislation promoting education and extension of good roads. They believe that the day

light saving law should have been repealed.

"They believe that the soldiers who won the great war are entitled to added consideration. They believe that American interests and American labor should be protected. They be lieve that the tax payers are entitled to some relief from excessive taxes since the war is over. They believe that the hemp and the tobacco growers are entitled to protection. I advocated all of these principles in my platform and made a vigorous fight in their behalf in my campaign, while my opponent, Judge Hardin, had no definite platform, but made a purely partisan campaign, declaring that a vote for Hardin is a vote for Wilson,' and devoted a great portion of his time to a discussion and advocacy of the League of Nations."

THE MYTH OF THE MASTER WORKMAN.
By Roland Ringwalt.

Before printed histories of labor movements were available, a myth in varying form was a thousand times retold. In Norway with rugged hills and lakes beyond counting, there were stories of the hero who in spite of every difficulty wins his prize. Germany's barons might rule with despotic sway, but the legends of the winner whose stout arm, skilled hand, and keen eye prevail over the witch and the giant, over the plots of the crafty and the power of the tyrant were popular.

The varieties of the narrative are as interesting as their underlying oneness is striking. Now the hero is a

wandering prince, and now he is a shepherd boy. He may be wronged by an elder brother, a step-mother may plan to cheat him out of his inheritance, a sorcerer may cast him into a dungeon, a sea-monster may drag him into the depths, yet he comes forth the conqueror, it may be to win the hand of the princess and half the kingdom.

Sometimes his courteous manner or some little act of generosity wins for him the friendship that saves him from deadly peril. A magic hammer enables one of the Scandinavian lads to surpass all the work of an older craftsman. The young rambler antici

pates the submarine and the airplane. Intensive mechanical processes are discovered in the nick of time. A Scandinavian homeopath works marvels with his tiny doses. Crude hints developed in the science of later centuries startle the reader of the folk

lore of Northern Europe. Possibly the magic horn is a forecast of the long-distance telephone.

Such are the legends, and the meaning seems to be that the daring prince will submit to all the hardships of the serf in order to win his prize, while the peasant boy with bravery and shrewdness will be an overmatch for any dullard with crest on his helmet and quarterings on his shield.

The Russian monarch who labored in the dockyards of Holland stands well up the list. John Ericsson, the Swedish adventurer whose locomotive raced beside Stephenson's and whose ironclad went out to fight the Merrimac, lived a score of stories. John A. Johnson, the son of an immigrant, the poor boy of rural Minnesota, the popular Governor, the near-candidate for the presidency, had the magnetic personality of a mythical hero. Benjamin Franklin, the runaway apprentice, the experimenter in science, the deviser of stoves, and the angler of lightning, -what myths might have been based on his experiences! Fulton and Morse turning from portrait-painting to steam and electricity; Burritt snatching verb forms 'twixt the strokes of the hammer on the anvil; Lincoln's rail-splitting and flatboat days are material for generations yet

to come.

If there is anywhere on the planet an intelligent man or woman who

knows nothing of the history of steam power the bare facts will seem to such a person like a fairy tale. A British marquis laughed at for his eccentricities; a Scotch mechanic glad of a day's work now and then at repairing fidhis invention to two royal courts, then dles; an American who vainly offered returned home, and launched his craft on the Hudson; a laborer from the pit mouth with his mighty forecast that working men would find it cheaper to ride than to walk. The barest outline of the lives of the Marquis of Worcester, of James Watt, of Robert Fulton and of George Stephenson combined with the hostility of the savants and the land owners, the prejudice of the old sea dogs and the antagonism of the canal companies would make a story transcending the best ever told in a German forest or a Norse fisherman's hut.

Grimm hunted for legends of the shrewd and daring lad who, leaving the tailorshop, outwits the giant, traps the furious rhinoceros, and conquers rivals in single combat. Real life has one such apprentice in Denmark's favorite admiral, Tordenkjold. It has another in Andrew Johnson, who, of all petrels in American politics, managed to get into the most stormy part of the storm centre-threatened with assassination throughout our Civil War, and barely escaping ejectment from his office afterwards. Equal courage was shown by Arminius Vambery, the Hungarian exile, the glutton who devoured Oriental languages, the wanderer who, clad as a dervish, rambled amid suspicions by day and sabres by night.

When England forbade the export of machinery, Slater crossed the ocean with the plans in his head. In every chapter of the world's industrial annals we find the boy who would not let poverty balk his ambition, or the boy who would not let a fortune hamper his energy-many a time these two boys worked together. Are the magic gardens more wonderful than the achievements of Burbank? Is any legend of wandering knights more fascinating than the journey of Livingstone, the factory boy, into the African wilds and the triumphant search of the cabin boy, Henry M. Stanley? What tales of old equal the actualities of Field, of Edison, of Marconi? In the minerals dragged forth from lonely rocks; in the draining of the swamps; in the irrigation of the dry ground, the feats of the old enchanters are surpassed.

Never has there been a generation

without the prince who insists on personal achievement as well as hereditary rank. Never has there been a generation without the boy who insists on doing what the handicaps of poverty seemed to have made impossible. The gales of Scandinavian winters or the exertions of Teuton nobles toughened the resourceful fibre of those who were resolved to win, and whose triumphs are chronicled in the halls of science and the strongholds of industry.

It is a long record, going back to David the shepherd boy who slew the giant, and to Moses who left a royal palace to be an exile in Midian. The ballad singers and the moulders of the legends may have been inaccurate in details, but in the densest fog that ever settled down upon the Norse coast they never lost sight of three great forces, the cool head, the stout heart, and the trained hand.

PUTNAM CALLS PROTECTION "PRUSSIANISM."

Special Washington Correspondence.

Report of an address made by George Haven Putnam, president of the American Free Trade League, before the Liverpool Reform Club, Liverpool, England, July 3, has just recently been received in this country. Mr. Putnam is reported to have called protection "Prussianism." He then He then went on to say, "if it was possible, as it had been possible lately, for American goods to be sent into European countries that were in need of relief without tariff restrictions, it should be possible to do the same under normal conditions," and his attitude is the

same with respect to European and Oriental goods entering America.

To align protection with "Prussianism" is a shocking attitude for a descendant of old Rough and Ready Israel Putnam to take, and it only goes to show how far from their moorings the sons and daughters of some of our fine old patriots are drifting. This may be ascribed to nothing so much as foreign influences and foreign education. Indeed, George Haven Putnam, himself, is a typical example of this, for he was born in London, in 1844, and after a

preparatory education in the Columbia Grammar School of New York, he received his higher education at the University of Sorbonne, France, and the University of Gottingen, Germany. In 1916 he was elected president of the American Free Trade League, and when the league of nations pact first made its appearance this Free Trade League promptly identified itself as a proponent of the league for the purpose, as it announced, of giving "a spurt to the free trade movement by a league of nations, and to band together all organizations and individuals opposed to tariff barriers and favoring free trade." This Free Trade League declared that "protection is a selfish, exclusive doctrine," and that "free trade is a generous policy. If the League (of nations) is to last it must always be trying to remove the causes of war, chief among which are hostile tariffs."

Mr. Putnam, who is a New York book publisher, was, however, quick to seek an advantage to his business when the Wilson-Underwood tariff law was being drafted, for he wrote to the chairman of the Ways and Means Committee that "it is our understanding and our contention that a tariff based upon sound justice and scientific methods will not fail, in relieving a finished article from duty, to relieve from duty at the same time the materials which are utilized for the production of such article." In other words, if the duty on books was to be reduced, he wanted to make sure, by way of cheaper material,

that he could successfully compete with his European rivals. In that same letter, also, he advocated free trade in book bindings, although it is a fact well known to every wageearning bookbinder in the land that hundreds of thousands of books are sent annually to Europe to be bound at far cheaper cost, under far smaller wage scales, and then returned to this country under the policy of free trade, to the undoing of the American bookbinder.

Of course, any school boy knows why European countries let down their tariff bars to American goods during the war. Their requirements for war materials and food were stupendous. No legions of workmen which they could command were able to meet the monstrous needs and destruction of war. They had to come to us for help, and competition became an unknown factor. Will not Mr. Putman please answer why those same European countries so quickly put up the bars against American goods when the armistice was signed? Why is Great Britain returning to protection, after over sixty years of free trade? If protection is "Prussianism," Jefferson was a Prussian; so was Clay; so was Lincoln, Grant, Blaine, McKinley, Roosevelt, Reed, Aldrich, and Payne, and a hundred other great lights in the protective firmament. Does Herbert Putnam, Librarian of Congress for twenty years, brother of George Haven, but, unlike him, educated at home, believe that protection is "Prussianism"? We think not.

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