Page," by John L. Heaton, which covers thirty years of the World's life, Mr. Heaton (see page 15) says:

As to the tariff The World pinned

more glorious victory in the Union next year.

We do not blame Mr. Heaton for

briefly passing over this chapter.

He had to condense and exclude a great deal to say so much as he has said in a volume of 357 pages. But the incident is more important than he supposes. At the time there was a vigorous Northern sentiment will

Even the issue of a lower tariff was not quite as clearly defined as it has since become. Not until nearly a decade later did the trust movement get fully under way which was to "kill competition and capitalize the corpse."

A moderate reduction of the tariff could only be looked for from Democrats and only from the reforming wing of the Democracy. During the Ohio campaign of 1883 The World especially commended the tariff plank adopted by the Democrats. After the election in October it reminded the Republicans that their alarm lest the tariff be lost sight of was unfounded, and said:

An election has been held this week in Ohio. The Democrats met last June to nominate candidates and construct a platform. In the platform was the following plank:

We favor a tariff for revenue, limited to the necessities of a government economically administered, and so adjusted in its application as to prevent unequal burdens, encourage production interests at home. and afford just compensation to labor, but not to create or foster monopolies.

Upon a full vote of the State, after more than three months' thoughtful consideration the people of Ohio have indorsed this tariff plank by over 12,000 majority.

It has won a glorious victory in Ohio this year. It will win a yet

at federal administration, but reluctant to make any free trade experiments. "The Ohio platform" delighted these voters, Samuel J. Randall, Henry B. Payne, George L. Converse and men of that type believed that the Democratic party, if restored to power, would give the country a tariff that was all American. What The World meant no one can be sure. It praised the Ohio platform, yet it favored Carlisle as Speaker over Randall. When however, a few months later Carlisle showed a marked leaning towards free trade, it praised Randall as the more loyal to the party National Convention of 1884 it of the two. For weeks prior to the

maintained that the nominee must not be a free trader. Just before the Convention met it printed an editorial (page 27) entitled "Why The World Likes Cleveland," one of the reasons being, "he does not believe that even a moderate protective tariff is unconstitutional and 'legalized communism.' Quite the contrary."

How the Ohio platform fared after the election; how Cleveland deserted the protectionists; how he treated Randall, and how The World

swallowed all this is matter of history. It is strange that its own historian should record the camouflage of 1884. But in 1912 it made a brief bolt. The silly declaration of the Democratic platform was too much for The World. In two editorials it chopped this rickety plank to pieces, yet in November it was glad that protected industry had been worsted. Since those days The World has blamed the President for

It

the patronizing tone in which he has addressed our colored citizens. has admitted that Democratic supremacy in the South has often been established by violence. It has dealt smashing blows at Burlesonism. It has been at various points of the compass, and has always been so full of life that a reader never dozes over its pages.

"Always Democratic?" Not sosometimes and sometimes not.

Representatives in Congress from Alabama are being called upon, says a Birmingham, Alabama, dispatch, dated January 23, to The Manufacturers Record, to assist in protecting the graphite industry, which is declared by the Graphite Producers' Association of Alabama to be in danger of being absolutely ruined as a result of the termination of the war. Officers and investors held a meeting in Underwood's city, editorial heads of the daily newspapers of Birmingham being called in for advice, and the situation was thoroughly canvassed. George A. Sharpe of Ashland, Ala., president of the association, and A. P. Conklin, secretary, presented the matter under consideration and led the formation of plans. It was pointed cut by Mr. Conklin that the industry, in which in 1916 only $150,000 was invested, now represents an investment of not less than $5,500,000, of which a large amount is held by well-known Birmingham business

men.

Resolutions which were adopted and sent to Senator Oscar W. Underwood as well as Congressman J. Thomas Heflin, point out that this money had been invested at the urgent request of the Government, which declared its need of this crucible for war purposes and on the promise of the Government that the industry would be fostered and its interests promoted for the purposes of the Government. It was further pointed out that the mineral bill now pending is defective, and at best would only give temporary relief, when paramount protection for the industry is what is wanted. protective tariff against foreign graphite is also desired, desired, even though this policy be in conflict with the principles of the Democratic party, holding that the first duty is to protect those at home as well as see to it that when the boys come back they do not find themselves with their jobs and their investments gone. The fund pro

A

vided under the Mineral Control

act to compensate losses sustained by reason of producing needed war materials did not sufficiently cover this case, it was claimed, unless the assurance is added that this industry be also protected in the future.

Further meetings have been arranged for and a definite policy working for legislation for the relief of the investors and the protection of the industry will be outlined in the near future.

This is, indeed, an encouraging sign in the heart of the free trade section of the country, that a group of business men and investors should demand a protective tariff

against foreign graphite "even though it be in conflict with the principles of the Democratic party!" We trust that these believers in a protective tariff for graphite will not confine their demand for a protective tariff for an industry which happens to have sprung up in their district but will make their program an inclusive one for a general law to make this country independent of the world so far as essential industries are concerned at least. shall rejoice if the day should soon come, when the people of the South,, like those of the North, will divide on political and economic lines.

We

An important industry of Missouri is that of zinc ore, an essential element used in the production of war material and also used largely in industrial enterprises. It is essential to our national well being and yet Democratic Representatives in Congress from the State of Missouri decided by their votes on the Underwood tariff bill to destroy it and strike a blow at an important factor in the industrial life of that state. Writing in the National Republican of the effect of that law upon the industry, Pres. Paul A. Ewart of Joplin, Missouri, described the wreck produced by the legislation for which the Democratic party, headed by Mr. Wilson, was responsible. He said:

In January, 1913, preceding the inauguration of President WoodWoodrow Wilson, the zinc ore industry of southwestern Missouri was in the

most prosperous condition in its whole history. Zinc ore concentrates were selling on a basis price of $67.50 per ton. Then came the inauguration of President Wilson and the control of Congress by the Democratic party, with the subsequent revision of the tariff, removing the tariff on zinc ore concentrates.

Prior to 1904, there had been little, if any importing of zinc ore into the United States. Shortly after that Mexico began to ship zinc ore concentrates and silica across the border line to American smelters. Importations went up to 85,000 tons in 1907. The industry was threatened. The Joplin mining district up to that time was normally Democratic but the people of the district recognizing the necessity of a tariff on zinc ore, in order to keep out foreign ores, at the subsequent election sent a Republican to Congress under the promise of Speaker Joe Cannon that a tariff would be given to the zinc ore industry in the coming tariff re

vision if the district manifested its desire to have a tariff by sending a Republican member to Congress. The Republican party delivered the goods. It placed a tariff upon the importation of zinc ore and importations immediately fell off. The district once more became prosperous, under a tariff, so that conditions at the time the Democratic party went into power in 1913 were as first stated. The Democratic party then removed the tariff upon zinc ore. The business conditions following the inauguration of Democratic control and the new tariff law were bad. Zinc ore prices declined and at the outbreak of the war in Europe were at a very low ebb, zinc ore bringing from $35 to $40 per ton, and even less.

Up to that time the Joplin district produced about 50 per cent of the entire output of zinc ores of the United States, and about 17 per cent of the output of the entire world. One-half of the smelting capacity of the entire world at the outbreak of the war was located in the United States, the remaining half was for the most part in Silesia and Belgium. At the outbreak of the European war these smelters immediately fell into the hands of the Germans. There was then no market for the output of the zinc ore mines of the world except the United States and the tariff had been removed. Temporarily, there was a great boom in zinc ore prices in the Joplin district, due to the capture of the smelters by the Germans.

The whole world was dependent upon the United States for its spelter. For a time zinc ore sold at around $100 per ton, and went as high as $135 per ton, and the zinc miners profited. But there was no other market in the world for the production of the lead and zinc mines of the world. Within a short time immense importations of zinc

ore from Australia began to find their way into the United States; Mexico had started; the tariff was gone; there was no barrier between the product of foreign countries and the United States, and this country was made the dumping ground of all the zinc ore concentrates of the entire world, with the result that for the year ending June 30, 1915, there was dumped into the United States approximately 80,000 long tons of zinc ore concentrates; in 1916 there was imported 291,000 long tons; in 1917, 262,000 long tons; in 1918, 103,000 long tons, or a total of approximately 824,000 American tons of zinc ore concentrates. The declared value of these concentrates at the port of entry for the years above named was: $22.77, $32.32, $28.57, $24.44. During all this time it cost approximately $60 per ton in the Joplin, Missouri, district, to produce zinc ore concentrates, this because of the double cost of production, in wages, steel, powder, etc.

From the above figures it will be seen that zinc ore was being dumped into the United States from foreign countries at approximately one-half the cost of production in the United States. Such a condition could not long endure without the destruction of the mining industry. An avalanche was coming, but it could not be avoided. The war was on. The Democrats refused to consider tariff legislation. An attempt was made to head off destruction which was plainly apparent in the spring of 1918 by puting zinc ore among the list of articles that could not be imported into the United States in ship bottoms, and that was done. Committees from the Joplin mining district went to Washington and urged that shipments of ore by rail be shut off as a war measure upon the ground that the cars necessary to bring zinc ore from Mexico and Canada were essential in carrying war ma

terials and necessary food stuffs in the United States. The War Industries Board recommended it, the Transportation Board agreed to put it into effect, but the Secretary of State nullified the order, and Mexican and Canadian ores continued to come in.

The result of this was that 95 per cent of all the mines in Jasper County, Missouri, were closed down and practically destroyed, and many of the mills were torn down and the ground filled with water. The county that had produced ninetenths of all the ore produced in the Joplin district, at the present time produces little or no ore. One hundred mines and concentrating plants have closed down, the destruction in value would approximate $25,000,000; while approximately 10,000 men were employed in the mines in 1912, nearly all of them are now out of employment.

It is said that this punishment to the Joplin Congressional district probably was properly meted out to it. After the Republican party, through Charles Morgan, Republican, had given the district a protective tariff

and prosperity, it repudiated the Republican nominee in 1912 and elected a Democratic Congressman for two succeeding Congresses. However, in 1918, the closing of the mills, the thousands of men out of employment and the empty dinner pails showed the district the folly of its course and they, by an overwhelming majority, defeated Congressman Decker and elected I. V. McPherson, Republican.

A delegation from the Joplin district is now in Washington asking for a restoration of the tariff on zinc ore in the hope that the industry may be rebuilt. President Wilson, in his message indicates that certain tariffs are necessary, such as those on dye stuffs; but a tariff on dye stuffs is certainly not more necessary than a tariff on zinc ore-to again build up an industry which in 1912 was extremely prosperous, employing from 12,000 to 15,000 men, but which the Democratic party by removing the tariff has almost entirely destroyed.

As Grover Cleveland once said: "It is not a theory, but a condition that confronts us."

Secretary of Commerce Redfield has evidently changed some of his views regarding the importance and methods of developing American industries since he was a member of Congress in 1912. In the Congressional Record of March 15th of that year appears an address of his in which he declared that "a tariff based on differences in cost of production is a logical and industrial absurdity," and also that "the Democratic party believes that the policy of a tariff for revenue only is

not only a policy free from the logical absurdity of a tariff based upon the alleged cost of production, but that it is a policy which opens to our industries the way to development on normal and permanent lines where brains, character, and energy may work out their natural results to the profit of the manufacturer, to the advantage of the worker, and to the gain of the consumer."

In May, 1919, Secretary Redfield declares that "America has learned