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Kings, half of it fraudulently added, it is idle for the three million people living above the Highlands of the Hudson to vote.

This is a struggle for power. It is a fight for empire. It is a contrivance to clutch the National Government. That we believe; that I believe.

The nation has tasted, and drunk to the dregs, the sway of the democratic party, organized and dominated by the same influences which dominate it again and still. You want to restore that dominion. We mean to resist you at every step and by every lawful means that opportunity places We believe that it is good for the country, good for every man North and South who loves the country now, that the Government should remain in the hands of those who were never against it.

in our hands.

We believe that it is not wise or safe to give over our nationality to the dominion of the forces which formerly and now again rule the democratic party. We do not mean to connive at further conquests, and we tell you that if you gain further political power, you must gain it by fair means, and not by foul. We believe that these laws are wholesome. We believe that they are necessary barriers against wrongs, necessary defenses for rights; and so believing, we will keep and defend them even to the uttermost of lawful honest effort.

the young fly in terror from their homes, and from the graves of their murdered dead! Rights secure, when thousands brave cold, hunger, death, seeking among strangers in a far country a humanity which will remember that

"Before man made them citizens,

Great nature made them men!"

Read the memorial signed by Judge Dillon, by the democratic mayor of Saint Louis, by Mr. Henderson, once a member of the Senate, and by other men known to the nation, detailing what has been done in recent weeks on the Southern Mississippi. Read the affidavits accompanying this memorial. Has any one a copy of the memorial here? I have seen the memorial. I have seen the signatures. I hope the honorable Senator from Illinois will read it, and read the affidavits which accompany it. When he does, he will read one times. of the most sickening recitals of modern bloodiest and blackest pictures in the book He will look upon one of the of recent years. Yet the Senator says, all is quiet. "There is not such faith, no not in Israel." Verily "order reigns in War

saw."

Solitudinem faciunt, pacem appellant.

Mr. President, the republican party every where wants peace and prosperitypeace and prosperity in the South, as The other day, it was Tuesday I think, much and as sincerely as elsewhere. Disit pleased the honorable Senator from Il-guising the truth, will not bring peace and linois Mr. Davis] to deliver to the Senate an address, I had rather said an opinion, able and carefully prepared. That honorable Senator knows well the regard not only, but the sincere respect in which I hold him, and he will not misunderstand the freedom with which I shall refer to some of his utterances.

prosperity. Soft phrases will not bring peace, Fair words butter no parsnips.' We hear a great deal of loose, flabby talk about "fanning dying embers," "rekindling smoldering fires," and so on. Whenever the plain truth is spoken, these unctious monitions, with a Peter Parley_benevolence, fall copiously upon us. This Whatever else his sayings fail to prove, lullaby and hush has been in my belief a they did I think, prove their author, after mistake from the beginning. It has misMrs. Winslow, the most copious and inex- led the South and misled the North. In haustible fountain of soothing syrup. The Andrew Johnson's time a convention was honorable Senator seemed like one slum- worked up at Philadelphia, and men were bering in a storm and dreaming of a calm. brought from the North and South, for He said there was no uproar anywhere- ecstasy and gush. A man from Massachuone would infer you could hear a pin drop setts and a man from South Carolina locked -from centre to circumference. Rights, arms and walked into the convention arm he said, are secure. I have his language in arm, and sensation and credulity palhere. If I do not seem to give the sub-pitated, and clapped their hands, and stance aright I will stop and read it. thought an universal solvent had been Rights secure North and South; peace and found. Serenades were held at which tranquillity everywhere. The law obeyed "Dixie" was played. Later on, anniverand no need of special provisions or anx-saries of battles fought in the war of Indeiety. It was in this strain that the Sena-pendence, were made occasions by men tor discoursed.

Are rights secure, when fresh-done barbarities show that local government in one portion of our land is no better than despotism tempered by assassination? Rights secure, when such things can be, as stand proved and recorded by committees of the Senate! Rights secure, when the old and

from the North and men from the South for emotional, dramatic, hugging ceremonies. General Sherman, I remember, attended one of them, and I remember also, that with the bluntness of a soldier, and the wisdom and hard sense of a statesman, he plainly cautioned all concerned rot to be carried away, and not to be fooled.

But many have been fooled, and being two hundred and sixty-nine Senators and fooled, have helped to swell the democratic Representatives, fifty-four, and only fiftymajorities which now display themselves four, were soldiers in the armies of the before the public eye. Union. The eleven States which were

Of all such effusive demonstrations I disloyal send ninety-three Senators and have this to say: honest, serious convic- Representatives to Congress. Of these, tions are not ecstatic or emotional. Grave eighty-five were soldiers in the armies of affairs and lasting purposes do not express the rebellion, and at least three more or vent themselves in honeyed phrase or held high civil station in the rebellion, sickly sentimentality, rhapsody, or profuse making in all eighty-eight out of ninetyprofessions. three.

This is as true of political as of religious duties. The Divine Master tells us, "Not every one that saith unto me, Lord, Lord, shall enter into the kingdom of heaven; but he that doeth the will of my Father which is in heaven."

Facts are stubborn things, but the better way to deal with them is to look them squarely in the face.

Let me state the same fact, dividing the Houses. There are but four Senators here who fought in the Union Army. They all sit here now; and there are but four. Twenty Senators sit here who fought in the army of the rebellion, and three more Senators sit here who held high civil com mand in the confederacy.

In the House, there are fifty Union soldiers from twenty-seven States, and sixty-five confederate soldiers from eleven States.

Who, I ask you, Senators, tried by this record, is keeping up party divisions on the issues and hatreds of the war?

The republican party and the Northern people preach no crusade against the South. I will say nothing of the past beyond a single fact. When the war was over, no man who fought against his flag was punished even by imprisonment. No estate was confiscated. Every man was left free The South is solid. Throughout all its to enjoy life, liberty, and the pursuit of borders it has no seat here save two in happiness. After the Southern States were which a republican sits. The Senator from restored to their relations in the Union, no Mississippi (MR. BRUCE] and the Senator man was ever disfranchised by national from Louisiana [Mr. KELLOGG] are still authority-not one. If this statement is spared; and whisper says that an enter denied, I invite any Senator to correct me. prise is afoot to deprive one of these SenaI repeat it. After the Southern State go-tors of his seat. The South is emphatically vernments were rebuilded, and the States solid. Can you wonder that the North were restored to their relations in the soon becomes solid too? Do you not see Union, by national authority, not one man that the doings witnessed now in Congress for one moment was ever denied the right fill the North with alarm, and distrust of to vote, or hindered in the right. From the patriotism and good faith of men from the time that Mississippi was restored, there the South? Forty-two democrats have never has been an hour when Jefferson Da-seats on this floor; forty-three if you add vis might not vote as freely as the honora- the honorable Senator from Illinois, [MR. ble Senator in his State of Illinois. The DAVIS.] He does not belong to the North, burdened with taxes, draped in democratic party, although I must say, mourning, dotted over with new-made after reading his speech the other day, graves tenanted by her bravest and her best, sought to inflict no penalty upon those who had stricken her with the greatest, and, as she believed, the guiltiest rebellion that ever crimsoned the annals of the human race.

As an example of generosity and magnanimity, the conduct of the nation in victory was the grandest the world has ever seen. The same spirit prevails now. Yet our ears are larumed with the charge that the republicans of the North seek to revive and intensify the wounds and pangs and passions of the war, and that the southern democrats seek to bury them in oblivion of kind forgetfulness.

We can test the truth of these assertions right before our eyes. Let us test them. Twenty-seven States adhered to the Union in the dark hour. Those States send to Congress two hundred and sixty-nine Senators and Representatives. Of these

that a democrat who asks anything more of him is an insatiate monster. [Laughter.] If we count the Senator from Illinois, there are forty-three democrats in this Chamber. Twenty-three is a clear majority of all, and twenty-three happens to be exactly the number of Senators from the South who were leaders in the late rebellion.

Do you anticipate my object in stating these numbers? For fear you do not, let me explain. Forty-two Senators rule the Senate; twenty-three Senators rule the caucus. A majority rules the Senate; a caucus rules the majority; and the twentythree southern Senators rule the caucus. The same thing, in the same way, governed by the same elements, is true in the House.

This present assault upon the purity and fairness of elections, upon the Constitution, upon the executive department, and upon the rights of the people; not the

rights of a king, not on such rights as we heard the distinguished presiding officer, who I am glad now to discover in his seat, dilate upon of a morning some weeks ago; not the divine right of kings, but the inborn rights of the people-the present assault upon them, could never have been inaugurated without the action of the twenty-three southern Senators here, and the southern Representatives there, [pointing to the House.]

was too young when the armies of the rebellion were recruited to be subject to the provision complained of. As to the rest, the discretion is a wholesome one. But, even if it were not, let me say in all kindness to southern Senators, it was not wise to make it a part of this proceeding, and raise this uproar in regard to it.

Even the purpose, in part already executed, to remove the old and faithful officers of the Senate, even Union soldiers, that their places may be snatched by others--to overturn an order of the Senate which has existed for a quarter of a century, in order to grasp all the petty places here, seems to me unwise. It is not wise, if you want to disarm suspicion that you mean aggrandizing, gormandizing, unreasonable things.

Viewing all these doings in the light of party advantage-advantage to the party to which I belong, I could not deplore them; far from it; but wishing the repose of the country, and the real, lasting, ultimate welfare of the South, and wishing it from the bottom of my heart, I believe they are flagrantly unwise, hurtfully injudicious.

The people of the North know this and see it. They see the lead and control of the democratic party again where it was before the war, in the hands of the South. "By their fruits ye shall know them." The honorable Senator from Alabama [Mr. MORGAN], educated no doubt by experience in political appearances, and spectacular effects, said the other day that he preferred the democrats from the North should go first in this debate. I admired his sagacity. It was the skill of an experienced tactician to deploy the northern levies as the sappers and miners; it was very becoming certainly. It was not from cruelty, or to make them food for powder, that he set them in the forefront of the battle; he thought it would appear better What the South needs is to heal, build, for the northern auxiliaries to go first and mend, plant, sow. In short, to go to work. tunnel the citadel. Good, excellent, as far Invite labor; cherish it; do not drive it as it went; but it did not go very far in out. Quit proscription, both for opinion's misleading anybody; putting the tail fore- sake, and for color's sake. Reform it altomost and the head in the sand, only dis-gether. I know there are difficulties in played the species and habits of the bird. [Laughter.]

We heard the other day that "the logic of events" had filled the southern seats here with men banded together by a common history and a common purpose. The Senator who made that sage observation perhaps builded better than he knew. The same logic of events, let me tell democratic Senators, and the communities behind them, is destined to bring from the North more united delegations.

the way. I know there is natural repugnance in the way; but drop passion, drop sentiment which signifies naught, and let the material prosperity and civilization of your land advance. Do not give so much energy, so much restless, sleepless activity, to an attempt so soon to get possession once more, and dominate and rule the country. There is room enough at the national board, and it is not needed, it is not decorous, plainly speaking, that the South should be the MacGregor at the taI read in a newspaper that it was pro-ble, and that the head of the table should posed the other day in another place, to be wherever he sits. For a good many restore to the Army of the United States reasons, it is not worth while to insist upon men who, educated at the nation's cost and it. presented with the nation's sword, drew the sword against the nation's life. In the pending bill is a provision for the retirement of officers now in the Army, with advanced rank and exaggerated pay. This may be harmless, it may be kind. One swallow proves not spring, but along with other things, suspicion will see in it an attempt to coax officers now in the Army to dismount, to empty their saddles, in order that others may get on.

So hue and cry is raised because courts, on motion, for cause shown in open court, have a right to purge juries in certain cases. No man in all the South, under thirty-five years of age, can be affected by this provision, because every such man

Mr. President, one of Rome's famous legends stands in these words: "Let what each man thinks of the Republic be written on his brow." I have spoken in the spirit of this injunction. Meaning offence to no man, and holding ill-will to no man, because he comes from the South, or because he differs with me in political opinion, I have spoken frankly, but with malice toward none.

This session, and the bill pending, are acts in a partisan and political enterprise. This debate, begun after a caucus had defined and clenched the position of every man in the majority, has not been waged to convince anybody here. It has resounded to fire the democratic heart, to

sound a blast to the cohorts of party, to beat the long-roll, and set the squadrons in the field. That is its object, as plainly to be seen as the ultimate object of the attempted overthrow of laws.

Political speeches having been thus ordained, I have discussed political themes, and with ill-will to no portion of the country but good-will toward every portion of it, I have with candor spoken somewhat of my thoughts of the duties and dangers of the hour. [Applause on the floor and in the galleries.]

Lincoln's Speech at Gettysburg. "Four-score and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new Nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.

"Now, we are engaged in a great civil war testing whether that Nation, or any Nation, so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battle-field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting-place for those, who here gave their lives that that Nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.

"But, in a large sense, we cannot dedicate-we cannot consecrate-we cannot hallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember what we SAY here, but it can never forget what they DID here. It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us, that from these honored dead, we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion, that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain; that this Nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom; and that Government of the people, by the people, and for the people shall not perish from this earth.

They are imploring us to protect them against the conquered enemies of the country, who notwithstanding their surrender, have managed, through their skill or our weakness, to seize nearly all the conquered territory.

This is not the first instance in the world's history in which all that had been gained by hard fighting was lost by bad diplomacy.

But they, whose feelings are entitled to so much consideration in the estimation of those who urge this argument, are not our southern brethren, but the southern brethren of our political opponents; the conquered rebels, pardoned and unpardoned; traitors priding themselves upon their trea

son.

These people are fastidious. The ordinary terms of the English language must be perverted to suit their tastes. Though they surrendered in open and public war, they are not to be treated as prisoners. Though beaten in the last ditch of the last fortification, they are not to be called a conquered people. The decision of the forum of their own choosing is to be explained away into meaningless formality for their benefit. Though guilty of treason, murder, arson, and all the crimes in the calendar, they are "our southern brethren." The entire decalogue must be suspended lest it should offend these polished candidates for the contempt and execration of posterity.

Out of deference to the feelings of these sensitive gentlemen, an executive construction must be given to the word "loyalty," so that it shall embrace men who only are not hanged because they have been pardoned, and who only did not destroy the Government because they could not. Out of deference to the feelings of these sensitive gentlemen, too, a distinguished public functionary, once the champion of the rights of man, a leader in the cause of human progress, a statesman whose keen foreknowledge could point out the "irrepressible conflict between slavery and freedom," cannot now see that treason and loyalty are uncompromising antagonisms.

It is charged against us that the wheels of Government are stopped by our refusal to admit the representatives of these southern communities. When we complain that Europe is underselling us in our marSpeech of Hon. John M. Broomall, of Penn-kets, and demand protection for the Amer

sylvania,

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ican laborer, we are told to "admit the southern Senators and Representatives." When we complain that excessive importations are impoverishing the country, and rapidly bringing on financial ruin, we are told to "admit the southern Senators and Representatives." When we complain that an inflated currency is making the rich richer, and the poor poorer, keeping the prices of even the necessaries of life beyond

or at least as if there had been a drawn battle, without victory on either side.

the reach of widows and orphans who are tory shall be carried out, while the northliving upon fixed incomes, the stereotyped ern party corresponding with the rebels of answer comes, Admit the southern Sena- the South ask that things should be contors and Representatives." When we de-sidered as if Lee had been the conqueror, mand a tax upon cotton to defray the enormous outlay made in dethroning that usurping "king of the world," still the answer comes, and the executive parrots everywhere repeat it, "Admit the southern Senators and Representatives."

This brings the rights of those in whose behalf the opponents of the bill under consideration are acting directly in question, and in order to limit down the field of controversy as far as possible, let us inquire how far all parties agree upon the legal status of the communities lately in reversies is that which comes from dialec-. tics. Where the disputants attach different meanings to the same word their time is worse than thrown away. I have always looked upon the question whether the States are in or out of the Union as only worthy of the schoolmen of the middle We are blocking the wheels of Govern- ages, who could write volumes upon a mere ment! Why, the Government has man-verbal quibble. The disputants would aged to get along for four years, not only without the aid of the Southern Senators and Representatives, but against their efforts to destroy it; and in the mean time has crushed a rebellion that would have destroyed any other Government under heaven. Surely the nation can do without the services of these men, at least during the time required to examine their claims and to protect by appropriate legislation our Southern brethren. None but a Democrat would think of consulting the wolf about what safeguard should be thrown around the flock.

The mind of the man who can see in that prescription a remedy for all political and social diseases must be curiously constituted. Would these Senators and Rp-bellion. Now, the meanest of all controresentatives vote a tax upon cotton? Would they protect American industry by increasing duties? Would they prevent excessive importations? To believe this requires as unquestioning a faith as to believe in the sudden conversion of whole communities from treason to loyalty.

Those who advocate the admission of the Senators and Representatives from the States lately reclaimed from the rebellion, as a means of protecting the loyal men in those States and as a substitute for the system of legislation of which this bill is part, well know that the majority in both Houses of Congress ardently desire the full recognition of those States, and only ask that the rights and interests of the truly loyal men in those States shall be first satisfactorily secured.

agree if they were compelled to use the word "State" in the same sense. I will endeavor to avoid this trifling.

All parties agree that at the close of the rebellion the people of North Carolina, for example, had been "deprived of all civil government." The President, in his proclamation of May 29, 1865, tells the people of North Carolina this in so many words, and he tells the people of the other rebel States the same thing in his several proclamations to them. This includes the Conservatives and Democrats, who, however they may disagree, at last agree in this, that the President shall do their thinking.

The Republicans subscribe to this doctrine, though they differ in their modes of expressing it. Some say that those States have ceased to possess any of the rights and powers of government as States of the Union. Others say, with the late lamented President, that "those States are out of practical relations with the Government."

Others hold that the State organizations are out of the Union. And still others that the rebels are conquered, and therefore that their organizations are at the will of the conqueror.

The President has hit upon a mode of expression which embraces concisely all these ideas. He says that the people of those States were, by the progress of the rebellion and by its termination, "deprived of all civil government."

Much useless controversy has been had about the legal status of those States. There is no difference between the two parties of the country on that point. The actual point of difference is this: the Democrats affiliate with their old political friends in the South, the late rebels, the friends and followers of Breckinridge, Lee, and Davis. The Union majority, on the other hand, One step further. All parties agree that naturally affiliate with the loyal men in the people of these States, being thus disthe South, the men who have always sup-organized for all State purposes, are still ported the Government against Breckin- at the election of the government, citizens ridge, Lee, and Davis. Each party wants of the United States, and as such, as far the South reconstructed in the hands of its as they have not been disqualified by own "southern brethren." treason, ought to be allowed to form their In short, the northern party correspond-own State governments, subject to the reing with the loyal men of the South ask quirements of the Constitution of the that the legitimate results of Grant's vic- United States.

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