were provided for transporting their wealth to market, now sent millions of tons in every direction. Progress in every walk of advanced civilization was realized, and we were on the high road to permanent prosperity. But in the meantime a new and better means of communication had been discovered, and the building of railroads quickly reduced the value of canals, and the works we had completed at so much cost, and with such infinite labor, were suddenly superseded. We lost nearly all the money they had cost us, but this investment was wisely made. The return to our State was many times greater than the of the country. Columbia, in the State of Pennsylvania, was at one time within one vote of becoming the site of the Capital; and Germantown, near, and now a part of, Philadelphia, was actually decided on as the proper location by a majority of one. The first of these was favored because it was believed to be a favorable point from which to begin a slack water route to the west. Germantown near the Schuylkill, was chosen for the same reason. All looked forward to a system of canals which would accomplish this desirable object, and experience has fully demonstrated their wisdom in that great design. About 1790, General Washington and the great finan-outlay. cier Robert Morris, traveled on horseback Like all great projects intended for the from Philadelphia to the Susquehanna public good, that of Internal Improvement river, with a view of deciding whether a canal could be built over that route. Shortly after this, some gentlemen near Philadelphia actually began building a canal to the west, did some work on its eastern end, built one or two locks on the dividing ridge near Lebanon, and for want of sufficient funds and knowledge of the subject the work was stopped. The money expended on the enterprise was lost. progressed. In 1823, the New York canal which had been pushed through against the prejudiced opposition of the people, by the genius of De Witt Clinton-was opened. Its success caused a revolution in the public mind all over the country. The effect was so marked in the State, that in 1825 a convention was called to consider the subject. Every county in the State was represented, I believe. That But the progressive men of the country, body pronounced in favor of a grand syskeeping their minds on the subject, con- tem of public works, which should not tinued to agitate the popular mind on it only connect the East and West, but also until 1820, when the Legislature of Penn- the waters of the Susquehanna with the sylvania chartered the Union Canal Com- great lakes, the West and the North-west. pany, and appropriated one million dollars Appropriations were recommended to the to aid its construction. In a few years the amount of three millions of dollars, and in canal was completed between the Schuyl- 1826, I think the work began. This sum kill and Susquehanna. Although very seemed to be enormous, and the estimates small, this improvement did a great deal of the engineers reached a total of six milof good. And the most remarkable thing lions of dollars. Meeting an ardent friend about it was its unpopularity with the of the system one day, he declared that a masses. Not only the members of General sum of that magnitude could never be exAssembly who passed the bill, but Gov-pended on these works. I ventured to reernor Heister, who signed the act of in-ply, with great deference to his age and corporation, were driven from office at the experience, that I thought it would be infirst opportunity legally presented for test- sufficient, and before they were completed ing public opinion, and the party to which I would not be surprised if ten millions they belonged went into a minority. I remember well what a mighty sum a million dollars seemed to be; and the political revolution caused by this appropriation showed me that the idea of its vastness was not confined by any means to myself. Our system of cananals was completed, and the benefits derived from them were incalculable. When they were commenced our State was poor. Industry languished. The interchange of her products was difficult. Population was sparse. Intelli- gentlemen who voted for railways instead gence was not generally diffused. Manu- of canals. One was professor Vethake of factures struggled weakly along. Work Dickinson College, Carlisle; and the other was not plentiful. Wages were low. When was Jacob Alter, a man of very little eduthey were finished the busy hum of indus- cation, but of strong understanding. The try was heard on every hand. Our popu- professor was looked upon as a dreamer, lation had grown until we numbered mil- and was supposed to have led his colleague lions. Our iron ore beds were yielding astray in his vagaries. But they both lived their precious hoards for human use. Coal to see railroads extended over the whole mines, unknown or useless until means world. As a part of our system of public would be found necessary. Looking at me and five miles. A large concourse had gathered. Ovid F. Johnson, AttorneyGeneral of our State, and a brilliant orator, made an excellent speech; but the effect was not in proportion to the effort. I determined to make an appeal, and I gave such arguments as I could. In closing I predicted that those now listening to me would see the day when a man could breakfast in Harrisburg, go to Philadelphia, transact a fair day's business there, and returning, eat his supper at home. Great applause followed this, and some additional subscriptions. Abram Harnly, a friend of the road, and one of the most intelligent of his class, worked his way to me, and taking me aside whispered, That was a good idea about going to Philadelphia and back to Harrisburg the same day;" and then, bursting with laughter, he added," But you and I know better than that!" We both lived to see the road built; and now people can come and go over the distance twice a day, which Abram seemed to consider impossible for a single daily trip. works, we built a railroad from the Dela-subscriptions to the stock of the Harrisburg ware to the Susquehanna, from Philadel- and Lancaster Railroad. This road was phia to Columbia, and one from the east- intended to complete the railway between ern base of the Allegheny mountains to Philadelphia and Harrisburg, one hundred their western base. They were originally intended to be used with horse power. In the meantime the railroad system had been commenced, and the Pennsylvania Railroad, under the charge of a man of extraordinary ability, John Edgar Thompson, was rapidly pushed to completion. Another great railway, the Philadelphia and Reading, was built to carry anthracite coal from the Schuylkill mines to the market. A railroad was built each side of the Lehigh river, that another part of our coal territory might find a market in New York. Another was built from the north branch of the Susquehanna, connecting with the New York roads, and leading to the northern coal field. And yet another was built along the Susquehanna, through the southern coal basin, to the city of Baltimore. The total cost of these roads, independent of the Pennsylvania railroad, was $95,250,410.10, as shown by official reports. | Their earnings last year are officially given at $24,753,065.32. Each of these was forced to contend with difficulty and prejudice. All were unpopular, and all were looked upon with suspicion until they actually forced their usefulness on the public mind. Those who made the fight for canals were forced to go over the whole ground again for railroads, and their double victory is greater than the success generally vouchsafed to the pioneers in any cause. These roads, with the Pennsylvania railroad and the lesser lines of improvements running through the coal region cost over $207,000, 000. The Reading Railroad will serve to illustrate the struggle of these great schemes. Its stock, now worth over par, once sold for twenty cents on the dollar; and at one time it was forced to sell its bonds at forty cents on the dollar to pay operating expenses. The vindication of the sagacity of the pioneers in these great enterprises is complete. All these lines are now profitable, and it has been demonstrated everywhere in the United States, that every new railroad creates the business from which its stockholders receive their dividends. It seems, therefore, scarcely possible to fix a limit to our profitable railroad expansion. They open new fields of enterprise, and this enterprise in turn, makes the traffic which fills the coffers of the companies. I cannot now look back to the struggle to impress the people with the advantages of railways, without a feeling of weariness at the seeming hopeless struggle, and one of merriment at the general unbelief in our new-fangled project. Once at Elizabethtown in this State a public meeting had been called for the purpose of securing The peculiar condition of the States then known as "the West" was the subject of anxiety to many. They had attracted a large population, but the people were exclusively devoted to agriculture. Lacking diversified industry, they were without accumulated wealth to enable them to build railways; nor were the States in condition to undertake such an onerous duty, a hough several of them made a feeble attempt to do so. At one time the bonds of Illinois, issued to build her canals, sold as low as thirty cents on the dollar. So with Indiana. Both States were supposed to be bankrupt. It became, therefore, an important problem as to how means of communication should be supplied to the people of the West. Congress, in 1846, gave a grant of land to aid in building a railroad in Illinois. Every alternate section was given to the Company, and each alternate section was reserved by the Government. The road was built; and the one-half of the land retained by the government sold for a great deal more than all was worth before the road was constructed. This idea was original, I think, with Mr. Whitney of Mass., who spent two winters in Washington, about 1845, endeavoring to induce Congress to adopt that plan for the construction of a Trans-Continental Railway. He died before seeing his scheme succeed. Others have built a road across the continent on the Central route. Another on the Northern route is now progressing, and the wealth and enterprise of those having it in charge renders its completion certain. And it yet remains for us to give | fore is not useful to cast light on what is the people of the Southern route a road to yet to come, then it will be difficult indeed the Pacific which shall develop the mag- to discover wherein its value lies. It nificent region through which it will pass, teaches me to devote time and labor for the and give the country one route to the great advancement of all Public Improvements, ocean protected from the ordinary difficulty and I trust it may have a like effect on all of climate with which railroads must con- who have the time and patience to read tend over so large a part of our territory. what I have here written. But I am admonished by the value of your space to confine myself to the limits of my own State. I have said that the outlay we have made in building our public works was of great benefit to us even when the canals had been rendered almost valueless through the competition of railroads. This is paradoxical, but it is true nevertheless. That expenditure gave our people a needed knowledge of our vast resources. It familiarized them with large expenditures when made for the public good. And it showed them how a great debt may be beneficially incurred, and yet not break down the enterprise of the people. We at one time owed $41,698,595.74. By a steady attention to our finances, it is now reduced to $31,000,000, with resources, the proceeds of the sale of public works-on hand amounting to $10,000,000. And while we have been steadily reducing our State debt, we have built 5,384 miles of railway on the surface of the earth, and 500 miles underground in our mines, at a cost of not less than $350,000,000, for a mile of railroad in Pennsylvania means something. We sent 368,000 men to the Federal Army. And our credit stands high on every stock exchange. Gratifying as this progress is, it is only a fair beginning. There is a large part of our territory rich in timber and full of iron, coal, and all kinds of mineral wealth, so entirely undeveloped by railroads that we call it "the Wilderness." To open it up is the business of to-day, and I sincerely hope to see it done soon. Forty years ago George Shoemaker, a young tavern-keeper of more vigor and enterprise than his neighbors, came to the conclusion that anthracite coal could be used as fuel. He went to the expense of taking a wagon load of it to Philadelphia, a hundred miles away, and, after peddling it about the streets for some days, was forced to give it away, and lose his time, his labor and his coal. He afterwards saw a great railway built to carry the same article to the same point, and enriching thousands from the profits of the traffic. But his experience did not end there. He saw a thousand dollars paid eagerly for an acre of coal land, which at the time of his venture to Philadelphia, no one would have, and he could not give away. Speech of Hon. John A. Logan, On Self-Government in Louisiana, January 13 and 14, 1875 The Senate having under consideration the resolution submitted by Mr. SCHURZ on the 8th of January, directing the Committee of the Judiciary to inquire what legislation is necessary to secure to the people of the State of Louisiana their rights of Self-government under the Constitution Mr. LOGAN said: Mr. PRESIDENT: I believe it is considered the duty of a good sailor to stand by his ship in the midst of a great storm. We have been told in this Chamber that a great storm of indignation is sweeping over this land, which will rend asunder and sink the old republican craft. We have listened to denunciations of the President, of the republicans in this Chamber, of the republican party as an organization, their acts heretofore and their purposes in reference to acts hereafter, of such a character as has seldom been listened to in this or in any other legislative hall. Every fact on the side of the republican party has been perverted, every falsehood on the part of the opposition has been exaggerated, arguments have been made here calculated to inflame and arouse a certain class of the people of this country against the authorities of the Government, based not upon truth but upon manufactured statements which were utterly false. The republican party has been characterized as despotic, as tyrannical, as oppressive. The course of the Administration and the party toward the southern people has been denounced as of the most tyrannical character by men who have received clemency at the hands of this same party. Now, sir, what is the cause of all this vain declamation? What is the cause of all this studied denunciation? What is the reason for all these accusations made against a party or an administration? I may be mistaken, but, if I am not, this is the commencement of the campaign of 1876. It has been thought necessary on the part of the opposition Senators here to commence, if I may use a homely phrase, a raid upon the republican party and upon this Administration, and to base that upon I have thought that a retrospective sur- false statements in reference to the conduct vey of our wonderful development might of affairs in the State of Louisiana. point plainly to the duty of the future. I propose in this debate, and I hope I For if the experience of what has gone be- I shall not be too tedious, though I may be But the other day when I asked the somewhat so, to discuss the question that | should be presented to the American peo- question of a Senator on the other side, ple. I propose to discuss that question who was discussing this question, whether fairly, candidly, and truthfully. I propose or not he indorsed the Penn rebellion, he to discuss it from a just, honest, and legal answered me in a playful manner that stand-point. Sir, what is that question? excited the mirth of people who did not There was a resolution offered in this Cham- understand the question, by saying that I ber calling on the President to furnish cer- had decided that there was no election, tain information. A second resolution was and that therefore there was no governintroduced, (whether for the purpose of ment to overturn. Now I ask Senators, I hanging on it an elaborate speech or not I ask men of common understanding if that am not aware,) asking the Committee on is the way to treat a question of this kind; the Judiciary to report at once some legis- when asked whether insurrection against lation in reference to Louisiana. Without a government recognized is not an insurany facts presented officially arguments rection and whether he endorses it, he have been made, the country has been says there is no government to overturn. aroused, and some people have announced If there is no government to overturn, themselves in a manner calculated to pro- why do you make this noise and confusion duce a very sore feeling against the course about a Legislature there? If there is and conduct of the party in power. I say no State government, there is no State this is done without the facts; without any Legislature. But I will not answer in basis whatever; without any knowledge that manner. I will not avoid the issue; officially communicated to them in refer- I will not evade the question. I answer ence to the conduct of any of the parties there is a Legislature, as there is a State in the State of Louisiana. In discussing government, recognized by the President, this question we ought to have a stand- recognized by the Legislature, recognized point; we ought to have a beginning; by the courts, recognized by one branch of some point from which we may all reason Congress, and recognized by the majority and see whether or not any great outrage of the citizens by their recognition of the has been perpetrated against the rights of laws of the State; and it will not do to the American people or any portion of undertake to avoid questions in this them. manner. now, and what it has been. On the 14th day of September last a man by the name of Penn, as to whom we have official information this morning, with some seven or ten thousand white-leaguers made war against that government, overturned it, dispersed it, drove the governor from the executive chamber, and he had to take refuge under the jurisdiction of the Government of the United States, on the soil occupied by the United States custom-house, where the exclusive jurisdiction of the United States Government extends, for the purpose of protecting his own life. I then propose to start at this point, that Let us see, then, starting from that standthere is a government in the State of Loui-point, what the position of Louisiana is siana. Whether that government is a government of right or not is not the question. Is there a government in that State against which treason, insurrection, or rebellion, may be committed? Is there such a government in the State of Louisiana as should require the maintenance of peace and order among the citizens of that State? Is there such a government in the State of Louisiana as requires the exercise of Executive authority for the purpose of preserving peace and order within its borders? I ask any Senator on this floor to-day if he can stand up here as a lawyer, as a Senator, as an honest man, and deny the fact This then was a revolution; this then that a government does exist? Whether he was a rebellion; this then was treason calls it a government de jure or a govern- against the State, for which these men ment de facto, it is immaterial. It is such should have been arrested, tried, and punan organization as involves the liberties ished. Let gentlemen dodge the question and the protection of the rights of the peo-as they may; it may be well for some men ple of that State. It will not do for Sena- there who engaged in this treasonable act tors to talk about the election of 1872. The against the government that they had Mr. election of 1872 has no more to do with Kellogg for governor. It might not have this "military usurpation" that you speak been so well for them, perhaps, had there of to-day than an election of a hundred been some other man in his place. I tell years ago. It is not a question as to wheth- the Senator from Maryland if any crowd er this man or that was elected. The of armed men should undertake to disperse question is, is there such a government there as can be overturned, and has there been an attempt to overturn it? If so, then what is required to preserve its status or preserve the peace and order of the people? the government of the State of Illinois, drive its governor from the executive chamber, enter into his private drawers, take his private letters, and publish them, and act as those men did, some of them would pay the penalty either in the peni tentiary or by dancing at the end of a rope. But when this rebellion was going on against that State, these gentlemen say it was a State affair; the Government of the United States has nothing to do with it! That is the old-fashioned secession doctrine again. The government of the United States has nothing to do with it! This national government is made up of States, and each State is a part of the Government, each is a part of its life, of its body. It takes them all to make up the whole; and treason against any part of it is treason against the whole of it, and it became the duty of the President to put it down, as he did do; and, in putting down that treason against the Kellogg government, the whole country almost responded favorably to his action. But our friend from Maryland, not in his seat now, [Mr. HAMILTON] said that that was part of the cause of the elections going as they did. In other words, my friend from Maryland undertook in a roundabout way to endorse the Penn rebellion, and claim that people of the country did the same thing against the government of the State of Louisiana, and on this floor since this discussion has been going on, not one Senator on that side of the chamber has lisped one word against the rebellion against the government of the State of Louisiana, and all who have spoken of it have passed it by in silence so as to indicate clearly that they endorse it, and I believe they do. Then, going further, the President issued his proclamation requiring those insurgents to lay down their arms and to resume their peaceful pursuits. This morning we have heard read at the clerk's desk that these men have not yet complied fully with that proclamation. Their rebellious organization continued up to the time of the election and at the election. When the election took place, we are told by some of these Senators that the election was a peaceable, and a fair election, that a majority of democrats were elected. That is the question we propose to discuss as well as we are able to do it. They tell us that there was no intimidation resorted to by any one in the State of Louisiana. I dislike very much to follow out these statements that are not true and attempt to controvert them because it does seem to me that we ought to act fairly and candidly in this Chamber and discuss questions without trying to pervert the issue or the facts in connection with it. Now, I state it as a fact, and I appeal to the Senator from Louisiana to say whether or not I state truly, that on the night before the election in Louisiana notices were posted all over that country on the doors of the colored republicans and the white These were the certificates given to negroes who voted the democratic ticket, that they might present them to save their lives when attacked by the men commonly known as Ku-Klux or white leaguers in that country; and we are told that there is no intimidation in the State of Louisiana! Our friend from Georgia [Mr. GORDON] has been very profuse in his declamation as to the civility and good order and good bearing of the people of Louisiana and the other Southern States. But, sir, this intimidation continued up to the election. After the election, it was necessary for the governor of that State to proceed in some manner best calculated to preserve the peace and order of the country. * * * |