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bill, except changing the amount of capi- | On the contrary, too many proofs have been tal and prohibiting discounts on notes other forced upon our observation to leave us than bills of exchange. The bill was free from the apprehension that the Presipushed to a vote with astonishing rapidity, dent has permitted himself to be beguiled and passed by a decided majority. In the into an opinion that by this exhibition of Senate the bill went to a select committee his prerogative he might be able to divert which reported it back without alteration, the policy of his administration into a as had been foreseen, the committee consist- channel which should lead to new political ing entirely of friends of the measure; and combinations, and accomplish results which there was a majority for it on final passage. must overthrow the present divisions of Concurred in by the Senate without alter- party in the country; and finally produce ation, it was returned to the House, and a state of things which those who elected thence referred to the President for his him, at least, have never contemplated. approval or disapproval. It was disapproved and it was promulgated in language In this state of things, the Whigs will intended to mean a repudiation of the naturally look with anxiety to the future, President, a permanent separation of the and inquire what are the actual relations Whig party from him, and to wash their between the President and those who hands of all accountability for his acts. brought him into power; and what, in An opening paragraph of the address set the opinion of their friends in Congress, forth that, for twelve years the Whigs had should be their course hereafter. carried on a contest for the regulation of The President by his withdrawal of confithe currency, the equalization of exchanges, dence from his real friends in Congress the economical administration of the finan- and from the members of his cabinet; by ces, and the advancement of industry-all his bestowal of it upon others notwithto be accomplished by means of a national standing their notorious opposition to leadbank-declaring these objects to be mis- ing measures of his administrations has understood by no one and the bank itself held to be secured in the Presidential election, and its establishment the main object of the extra session. The address then proceeds to state how these plans were frustrated:

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voluntarily separated himself from those by whose exertions and suffrage he was elevated to that office through which he has reached his present exalted station. The consequence is, that those who brought the President into power can be no longer, in any manner or degree, justly held responsible or blamed for the administration of the executive branch of the government; and the President and his advisers should be exclusively hereafter deemed accountable. The conduct of the President has occasioned bitter mortification and deep regret. Shal the party, therefore, yielding to sentiments of despair, abandon its duty, and submit to defeat and disgrace? Far from suffering such dishonorable consequences, the very disappointment which it has unfortunately experienced should serve only to redouble its exertions, and to inspire it with fresh courage to persevere with a spirit unsubdued and a resolution unshaken, until the prosperity of the country is fully re-established, and its liberties firmly secured against all danger from the abuses, encroachments or usurpations of the executive department of the government."

"It is with profound and poignant regret that we find ourselves called upon to invoke your attention to this point. Upon the great and leading measure touching this question, our anxious endeavors to respond to the earnest prayers of the nation have been frustrated by an act as unlooked for as it is to be lamented. We grieve to say to you that by the exercise of that power in the constitution which has ever been regarded with suspicion, and often with odium, by the people-a power which we had hoped was never to be exhibited on this subject, by a Whig President we have been defeated in two attempts to create a fiscal agent, which the wants of the country had demonstrated to us, in the most absolute form of proof to be eminently necessary and proper in the present emergency. Twice have we with the utmost diligence and deliberation matured a plan for the collection, safekeeping and disbursing of the public This was the manifesto, so far as it conmoneys through the agency of a corpora- cerns the repudiation of President Tyler, tion adapted to that end, and twice has it which Whig members of Congress put been our fate to encounter the opposition forth: it was answered (under the name of of the President, through the application an address to his constituents) by Mr. of the veto power. * * We are con- Cushing, in a counter special plea-counstrained to say that we find no ground to ter to it on all points-especially on the justify us in the conviction that the veto main question of which party the Presiof the President has been interposed on dent was to belong to; the manifesto this question solely upon conscientious and of the Whigs assigning him to the dewell-considered opinions of constitutional mocracy-the address of Mr. Cushing, scruple as to his duty in the case presented. claiming him for the Whigs. It was es

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pecially severe on Mr. Clay, as setting up menced his high career-a wide and lumia caucus dictatorship to coerce the Presi- nous horizon before him, and will and dent; and charged that the address em- talent to fill it. He said: "From the year anated from this caucus, and did not embody 1806, the period of my entering upon this or represent the sentiments of all Whig noble theatre of my public service, with leaders; and referred to Mr. Webster's let- but short intervals, down to the present ter, and his remaining in the cabinet as time, I have been engaged in the service proof of this. But it was without avail of my country. Of the nature and value against the concurrent statements of the of those services which I may have renretiring senators, and the confirmatory dered during my long career of public life, statements of many members of Congress. it does not become me to speak. History, The Whig party recoiled from the Presi- if she deigns to notice me, and posteritydent, and instead of the unity predicted by if a recollection of any humble service Mr. Webster, there was diversity and wide- which I may have rendered, shall be spread dissension. The Whig party re-transmitted to posterity-will be the best, mained with Mr. Clay; Mr. Webster retired, Mr. Cushing was sent on a foreign mission, and the President, seeking to enter the democratic ranks, was refused by them, and left to seek consolation in privacy, for his political errors and omissions. The extra session, called by President Harrison, held under Mr. Tyler, dominated by Mr. Clay, commenced May 31, and ended Sept. 13, 1841-and was replete with disappointed calculations, and nearly barren of permanent results. The purposes for which it was called into being, failed. The first annual message of President Tyler, at the opening of the regular session in December, 1841, coming in so-and doubtless I have committed many soon after the termination of the extra session, was brief and meagre of topics, with few points of interest.

In the month of March, 1842, Mr. Henry Clay resigned his place in the Senate, and delivered a valedictory address to that body. He had intended this step upon the close of the previous presidential campaign, but had postponed it to take personal charge of the several measures which would be brought before Congress at the special session-the calling of which he foresaw would be necessary. He resigned not on account of age, or infirmity, or disinclination for public life; but out of disgust-profound and inextinguishable. He had been basely defeated for the Presidential nomination, against the wishes of the Whig party, of which he was the acknowledged head-he had seen his leading measures vetoed by the President whom his party had elected--the downfall of the Bank for which he had so often pledged himself and the insolent attacks of the petty adherents of the administration in the two Houses: all these causes acting on his proud and lofty spirit, induced this withdrawal from public life for which he was so well fitted.

The address opened with a retrospect of his early entrance into the Senate, and a grand encomium upon its powers and dignity as he had found it, and left it. Memory went back to that early year, 1806, when just past thirty years of age, he entered the United States Senate, and com

truest, and most impartial judges; and to them I defer for a decision upon their value. But, upon one subject, I may be allowed to speak. As to my public acts and public conduct, they are for the judgment of my fellow citizens; but my private motives of action-that which prompted me to take the part which I may have done, upon great measures during their progress in the national councils, can be known only to the Great Searcher of the human heart and myself; and I trust I shall be pardoned for repeating again a declaration which I made thirty years ago: that whatever error I may have committed

during my public service-I may appeal to the Divine Searcher of hearts for the truth of the declaration which I now make, with pride and confidence, that I have been actuated by no personal motivesthat I have sought no personal aggrandizement-no promotion from the advocacy of those various measures on which I have been called to act--that I have had an eye, a single eye, a heart, a single heart, ever devoted to what appeared to be the best interests of the country."

Mr. Clay led a great party, and for a long time, whether he dictated to it or not, and kept it well bound together, without the usual means of forming and leading parties. It was surprising that, without power and patronage, he was able so long and so undividedly to keep so great a party together, and lead it so unresistingly. He had great talents, but not equal to some whom he led. He had eloquence-superior in popular effect, but not equal in high oratory to that of some others. But his temperament was fervid, his will was strong, and his courage daring; and these qualities, added to his talents, gave him the lead and supremacy in his party, where he was always dominant. The farewell address made a deep impression upon the Senators present; and after its close, Mr. Preston brought the ceremony to a conclusion, by moving an adjournment, which was agreed to.

Again at this session was the subject of the tariff considered, but this time, as a

matter of absolute necessity, to provide a' revenue. Never before were the coffers and the credit of the treasury at so low an ebb. A deficit of fourteen millions in the treasury-a total inability to borrow, either at home or abroad, the amount of the loan of twelve millions authorized the year before the treasury notes below par, and the revenues from imports inadequate and decreasing.

exhibited in its political complexion, serious losses in the Whig following. The Democratic candidate for Speaker of the House of Representatives, was elected over the Whig candidate-the vote standing 128 to 59. Thus an adverse majority of more than two to one was the result to the Whig party at the first election after the extra session of 1841. The President's message referred to the treaty which had The compromise act of 1833 in reducing lately been concluded with Great Britain the duties gradually through nine years, relative to the northwestern territory exto a fixed low rate; the act of 1837 in dis- tending to the Columbia river, including tributing the surplus revenue; and the Oregon and settling the boundary lines; continual and continued distribution of and also to a pending treaty with Texas the land revenue, had brought about this for her annexation to the United States; condition of things. The remedy was and concluded with a recommendation sought in a bill increasing the tariff, and for the establishment of a paper currency suspending the land revenue distribution. to be issued and controlled by the Federal Two such bills were passed in a single government. month, and both vetoed by the President. For more than a year before the meeting It was now near the end of August. Con- of the Democratic Presidential Convengress had been in session for an unpre- tion in Baltimore, in May 1844, it was cedentedly long time. Adjournment could evident to leading Democrats that Martin not be deferred, and could not take place Van Buren was the choice of the party. without providing for the Treasury. The To overcome this popular current and compromise act and the land distribution were the stumbling-blocks: it was resolved to sacrifice them together; and a bill was introduced raising the duties above the fixed rate of twenty per cent., and that breach of the mutual assurance in relation to the compromise, immediately in terms of the assurance, suspended the land revenue distribution-to continue it suspended while duties above the compromise limit continued to be levied. And as that has been the case ever since, the distribution of the land revenue has been suspended ever since. The bill was passed, and approved by the President, and Congress thereupon adjourned.

The subject of the navy was also under consideration at this session. The naval policy of the United States was a question of party division from the origin of parties in the early years of the government-the Federal party favoring a strong and splendid navy, the Republican a moderate establishment, adapted to the purposes of defense more than of offense. And this line of division has continued. Under the Whig regime the policy for a great navy developed itself. The Secretary of the Navy recommended a large increase of ships, seamen and officers, involving a heavy expense, though the government was not in a condition to warrant any such expenditure, and no emergency required an increase in that branch of the public service. The vote was taken upon the increase proposed by the Secretary of the Navy, and recommended by the President; and it was carried, the yeas and nays being well defined by the party line.

The first session of the twenty-eighth Congress, which convened December 1843,

turn the tide in favor of Mr. Calhoun, who desired the nomination, resort was had to the_pending question of the annexation of Texas. Mr. Van Buren was known to be against it, and Mr. Calhoun for it. To gain time, the meeting of the convention was postponed from December previous, which had been the usual time for holding such elections, until the following May. The convention met, and consisted of two hundred and sixty-six delegates, a decided majority of whom were for Mr. Van Buren, and cast their votes accordingly on the first ballot. But a chairman had been selected, who was adverse to his nomination; and aided by a rule adopted by the convention, which required a concurrence of two-thirds to effect a nomination, the opponents of Mr. Van Buren were able to accomplish his defeat. Mr. Calhoun had, before the meeting of the convention, made known his determination, in a public address, not to suffer his name to go before that assemblage as a candidate for the presidency, and stated his reasons for so doing, which were founded mainly on the manner in which the convention was constituted; his objections being to the mode of choosing delegates, and the manner of their giving in their votes-he contending for district elections, and the delegates to vote individually. South Carolina was not represented in the convention. After the first ballot Mr. Van Buren's vote sensibly decreased, until finally, Mr. James K. Polk, who was a candidate for the Vice Presidency, was brought forward and nominated unanimously for the chief office. Mr. Geo. M. Dallas was chosen as his colleague for the Vice Presidency. The nomination of these gentlemen, neither of whom had

latter to be slightly in excess of seventeen millions; and a recommendation for a revision of the tariff, with a view to revenue as the object, with protection to home industry as the incident.

At this session of Congress, the States of Florida and Iowa were admitted into the Union; the former permitting slavery within its borders, the latter denying it. Long before this, the free and the slave States were equal in number, and the practice had grown up-from a feeling of jealousy and policy to keep them evenly balanced-of admitting one State of each character at the same time. Numerically the free and the slave States were thus kept even: in political power a vast inequality was going on the increase of population being so much greater in the northern than in the southern region.

rights of the new President. These statements from the friends of the Secretary and President that the plan by negotiation would be adopted, quieted the apprehension of those Senators opposed to legislative annexation or admission, and thus secured their votes, without which the bill would have failed of a majority. Thus was Texas incorporated into the Union. The legislative proposition sent by Mr. Tyler was accepted: Texas became incorporated with the United States, and in consequence the state of war was established between the United States and Mexico; it only being a question of time and chance when the armistice should end and hostilities begin. Although Mr. Calhoun was not in favor of war with Mexico-he believing that a money payment would settle the differences with that country-the admission of Texas into the Union under the legisla- The Ashburton treaty of 1842 omitted to tive annexation clause of the statute, was define the boundary line, and permitted, really his act and not that of the Presi- or rather did not prohibit, the joint occudent's; and he was, in consequence, after-pation of Oregon by British and American wards openly charged in the Senate with settlers. This had been a subject of disbeing the real author of the war which followed.

pute for many years. The country on the Columbia River had been claimed by both. The administration of President Polk Under previous treaties the American opened March 4, 1845; and on the same northern boundary extended "to the latiday, the Senate being convened for the tude of 49 degrees north of the equator, purpose, the cabinet ministers were nomi- and along that parallel indefinitely to the nated and confirmed. In December fol- west." Attempts were made in 1842 and lowing the 29th Congress was organized. continuing since to 1846, to settle this The House of Representatives, being boundary line, by treaty with Great Britain. largely Democratic, elected the Speaker, It had been assumed that we had a dividby a vote of 120, against 70 for the Whig ing line, made by previous treaty, along candidate. At this session the "Ameri- the parallel of 54 degrees 40 minutes from can" party-a new political organization the sea to the Rocky mountains. The sub-first made its appearance in the Na-ject so much absorbed public attention, tional councils, having elected six mem- that the Democratic National convention bers of the House of Representatives, four of 1844 in its platform of principles defrom New York and two from Penn-clared for that boundary line, or war as sylvania. The President's first annual the consequence. It became known as the message had for its chief topic, the admis- 54-40 plank, and was a canon of political sion of Texas, then accomplished, and the faith. The negotiations between the govconsequent dissatisfaction of Mexico; and ernments were resumed in August, 1844. referring to the preparations on the part of The Secretary of State, Mr. Calhoun, prothe latter with the apparent intention of posed a line along the parallel of 49 dedeclaring war on the United States, either grees of north latitude to the summit of by an open declaration, or by invading the Rocky mountains and continuing that Texas. The message also stated causes line thence to the Pacific Ocean; and he which would justify this government in made this proposition notwithstanding the taking the initiative in declaring war- fact that the Democratic party-to which he mainly the non-compliance by Mexico belonged-were then in a high state of with the terms of the treaty of indemnity exultation for the boundary of 54 degrees of April 11, 1839, entered into between 40 minutes, and the presidential canvass, that State and this government relative to on the Democratic side, was raging upon injuries to American citizens during the that cry. previous eight years. He also referred to the fact of a minister having been sent to Mexico to endeavor to bring about a settlement of the differences between the nations, without a resort to hostilities. The message concluded with a reference to the negotiations with Great Britain relative to the Oregon boundary; a statement of the finances and the public debt, showing the

The British Minister declined this proposition in the part that carried the line to the ocean, but offered to continue it from the summit of the mountains to the Columbia River, a distance of some three hundred miles, and then follow the river to the ocean. This was declined by Mr. Calhoun. The President had declared in his inaugural address in favor of the 54-40