and especially in the border States, soon became apparent. Indeed, its sentiments seemed for weeks to check the wild spirit of secession in the cotton States, and it took all the efforts of their most fiery orators to rekindle the flame which seemed to have been at its highest when Major Anderson was compelled to evacuate Fort Moultrie.

It is but proper in this connection, to make a few quotations from the inaugural address, for Lincoln then, as he did during the remainder of his life, better reflected the more popular Republican sentiment than any other leader. The very first thought was upon the theme uppermost in the minds of all. We quote:

After conveying this peaceful assurance, he argued the question in his own way, and in a way matchless for its homely force: Physically speaking, we cannot separate. We cannot remove our respective sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall between them. A husband and wife may be divorced, and go out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other; but the different parts of our country cannot do this. They cannot but remain face to face; and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them. Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after separation than before? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight always; and when after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions, as to terms of intercourse, are again upon you.

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"Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a Republican Administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered. There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their in- This country, with its institutions, bespection. It is found in nearly all the pub- longs to the people who inhabit it. Whenlished speeches of him who now addresses ever they shall grow weary of the existing you. I do but quote from one of those Government they can exercise their conspeeches when I declare that I have no stitutional right of amending it, or their purpose directly or indirectly, to interfere revolutionary right to dismember or overwith the institution of slavery in the States throw it. I cannot be ignorant of the fact where it exists. I believe I have no law- that many worthy and patriotic citizens are ful right to do so, and I have no inclina- desirous of having the National Constitution to do so.' Those who nominated and tion amended. While I make no recomelected me did so with full knowledge that mendation of amendments, I fully recogI had made this and many similar decla- nize the rightful authority of the people rations, and had never recanted them. And over the whole subject, to be exercised in more than this, they placed in the platform either of the modes prescribed in the infor my acceptance, and as a law to them-strument itself; and I should under existselves and to me, the clear and emphatic ing circumstances, favor rather than opresolution which I now read: pose a fair opportunity being afforded the 'Resolved, That the maintenance invio-people to act upon it. I will venture to add late of the rights of the States, and es- that to me the convention mode seems prefpecially the right of each State to order erable, in that it allows amendments to oriand control its own domestic institutions ginate with the people themselves, instead according to its own judgment exclusively, of only permitting them to take or reject is essential to the balance of power on which propositions originated by others, not esthe perfection and endurance of our politi-pecially chosen for the purpose, and which cal fabric depend, and we denounce the might not be precisely such as they would lawless invasion by armed force of the soil wish to either accept or refuse. I underof any State or Territory, no matter under stand a proposed amendment to the Conwhat pretext, as among the gravest of stitution-which amendment, however, I have not seen-has passed Congress, to the I now reiterate these sentiments; and in effect that the Federal Government shall doing so, I only press upon the public at- never interfere with the domestic institutention the most conclusive evidence of tions of the States, including that of perwhich the case is susceptible, that the prop-sons held to service. To avoid misconstrucerty, peace, and security of no section are to be in anywise endangered by the now incoming Administration. I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given to all the States when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause as cheerfully to one section as to another."

crimes.

tion of what I have said, I depart from my purpose not to speak of particular amendments so far as to say that, holding such a provision now to be implied constitutional law, I have no objection to its being made express and irrevocable.

"The Chief Magistrate derives all his authority from the people, and they have conferred none upon him to fix terms for

the separation of the States. The people themselves can do this also if they choose; but the Executive, as such, has nothing to do with it. His duty is to administer the present Government, as it came to his hands, and to transmit it, unimpaired by him, to his successor.

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In your hands, my dissatisfied fellowcountrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The Government will not assail you. You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the Government, while I shall have the most solemn one to 'preserve, protect and defend it.'

"I am loth to close. We are not enemies but friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battle-field and patriot grave to every living heart and hearth-stone, all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature."

of the mission with which they are charged. Mr. Seward's reply in substance, said that his "official duties were confined, subject to the direction of the President, to the conducting of the foreign relations of the country, and do not at all embrace domestic questions or questions arising between the several States and the Federal Government, is unable to comply with the request of Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford, to appoint a day on which they may present the evidences of their authority and the object of their visit to the President of the United States. On the contrary, he is obliged to state to Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford that he has no authority, nor is he at liberty to recognize them as diplomatic agents, or hold correspondence or other communication with them."

An extended correspondence followed, but the administration in all similar cases, refused to recognize the Confederacy as a government in any way. On the 13th of April the President granted an interview to Wm. Ballard Preston, Alex. H. Stuart, and George W. Randolph, who had been sent by the Convention of Virginia, then in session, under a resolution recited in the President's reply, the text of which is herewith given:

GENTLEMEN: As a committee of the Virginia Convention, now in session, you present me a preamble and resolution in these words:

Whereas, in the opinion of this Con vention, the uncertainty which prevails in the public mind as to the policy which the Federal Executive intends to pursue toward the seceded States is extremely injurious

Lincoln appointed a Cabinet in thorough accord with his own views, and well suited to whatever shades of difference there were in the Republican party. Wm. H. Seward, Secretary of State, and Salmon P. Chase represented the more advanced anti-slavery element; General Simon Cameron, Secretary of War, from the first saw only a prolonged war in which superior Northern resources and appliances would surely win, while Seward expressed the view that "all troubles would be over in three months;" Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy; to the industrial and commercial interests Caleb B. Smith of the Interior; Edward Bates, Attorney General, and Montgomery Blair, Postmaster General, represented the more conservative Republican view-the two last named being well adapted to retaining the National hold on the Border States.

of the country, tends to keep up an excitement which is unfavorable to the adjustment of pending difficulties, and threatens a disturbance of the public peace: Therefore,

"Resolved, That a committee of three delegates be appointed to wait on the President of the United States, present to him Political events now rapidly succeeded this preamble and resolution, and respecteach other. As early as March 11, John fully ask him to communicate to this ConForsyth of Alabama and Martin J. Craw-vention the policy which the Federal Exeford of Georgia, submitted to the Secretary cutive intends to pursue in regard to the of State a proposition for an unofficial inter- Confederate States." view. Mr. Seward the next day, from "In answer I have to say, that, having "purely public considerations," declined. at the beginning of my official term exOn the 13th the same gentlemen sent a pressed my intended policy as plainly as I sealed communication, saying they had was able, it is with deep regret and some been duly accredited by the Confederate mortification I now learn that there is government as Commissioners, to negotiate great and injurious uncertainty in the pubfor a speedy adjustment of all questions lic mind as to what that policy is, and growing out of the political separation of what course I intend to pursue. seven States, which had formed a government of their own, etc. They closed this remarkable document by requesting the Secretary of State to appoint as early a day as possible in order that they may present to the President of the United States the credentials which they bear, and the objects

"Not having as yet seen occasion to change, it is now my purpose to pursue the course marked out in the inaugural address. I commend a careful consideration of the whole document as the best expression I can give of my purposes. As I then and therein said, I now repeat:

"The power confided to me will be used | tive warfare by the Confederacy, many offito hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the Government, and to collect the duties and imposts; but beyond what is necessary for these objects there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere."

"By the words 'property and places belonging to the Government' I chiefly allude to the military posts and property which were in the possession of the Government when it came into my hands.

"But if, as now appears to be true, in pursuit of a purpose to drive the United States authority from these places, an unprovoked assault has been made upon Fort Sumter, I shall hold myself at liberty to repossess, if I can, like places which had been seized before the Government was devolved upon me. And, in any event, I shall, to the best of my ability, repel force by force.

"In case it proves true that Fort Sumter has been assaulted, as is reported, I shall perhaps cause the United States mails to be withdrawn from all the States which claim to have seceded, believing that the commencement of actual war against the Government justifies and possibly demands it."

"I scarcely need to say that I consider the military posts and property situated within the States which claim to have seceded as yet belonging to the Government of the United States as much as they did before the supposed secession.

"Whatever else I may do for the purpose, I shall not attempt to collect the duties and imposts by any armed invasion of any part of the country-not meaning by this, however, that I may not land a force deemed necessary to relieve a fort upon the border of the country.

cers of the army and navy resigned or deserted, and joined it. The most notable were General Robert E. Lee, who for a time hesitated as to his " duty," and General David E. Twiggs, the second officer in rank in the United States Army, but who had purposely been placed by Secretary Floyd in command of the Department of Texas to facilitate his joining the Confederacy, which he intended to do from the beginning. All officers were permitted to go, the administration not seeking to restrain any, under the belief that until some open act of war was committed it ought to remain on the defensive. This was wise political policy, for it did more than all else to hold the Border States, the position of which Douglas understood fully as well as any statesman of that hour. It is remarked of Douglas (in Arnold's "History of Abraham Lincoln") that as early as January 1, 1861, he said to General Charles Stewart, of New York, who had made a New Year's call at his residence in Washington, and inquired, “What will be the result of the efforts of Jefferson Davis, and his associates, to divide the Union?" "Rising, and looking," says my informant,

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like one inspired, Douglas replied, "The cotton States are making an effort to draw in the border States to their schemes of secession, and I am but too fearful they will succeed. If they do succeed, there will be the most terrible civil war the world has ever seen, lasting for years.' Pausing a moment, he exclaimed, 'Virginia will become a charnel house, but the end will be the triumph of the Union cause. One of their first efforts will be to take possession of this Capitol to give them prestige abroad, but they will never succeed in taking it-the North will rise en masse to defend it;-but Washington will become a city of hospitals-the churches will be used for the sick and woundedeven this house (Minnesota block, afterwards, and during the war, the Douglas Hospital) may be devoted to that purpose We have given the above as not only before the end of the war.' The friend to fair but interesting samples of the semi-whom this was said inquired, 'What justiofficial and official transactions and corre-fication for all this?" Douglas replied, spondence of the time. To give more could not add to the interest of what is but a description of the political situation.

"From the fact that I have quoted a part of the inaugural address, it must not inferred that I repudiate any other part, the whole of which I reaffirm, except so far as what I now say of the mails may be regarded as a modification."

The Border states and some others were "halting between two opinions." North Carolina at first voted down a proposition to secede by 46,671 for, to 47,333 against, but the secessionists called another convention in May, the work of which the people ratified, the minority, however, being very large.

Before Lincoln had entered office most of the Southern forts, arsenals, docks, custom houses, etc., had been seized, and now that preparations were being made for ac

'There is NO justification, nor any pretense of any—if they remain in the Union, I will go as far as the Constitution will permit, to maintain their just rights, and I do not doubt a majority of Congress would do the same. But,' said he, again rising on his feet, and extending his arm, 'if the Southern States attempt to secede from this Union, without further cause, I am in favor of their having just so many slaves, and just so much slave territory, as they can hold at the point of the bayonet, and

NO MORE.'

In the border states of Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee and Mis