like manner. If the right hon. Gentleman | when I say that there is a desire to effect and those who sit there really want the all practicable reductions in that expendiHouse to express distrust in the Govern- ture which are consistent with the comment, let them do it fairly and manfully-plete efficiency of the public service, with on direct action and affirmation. We the security of our shores, and with the shall then be prepared to state the reasons protection of our interests abroad. why we think we deserve the confidence Now, Sir, let me take the first point of the House, as, without affectation or to which the noble Lord adverted, and flattery, I do say that we possess the con- to which the first part of the Resolution fidence of the country. But these things of the hon. Gentleman refers. Let us look are not to be done indirectly or by impli- to the question of our home defences, of cation. There is a manly way in which which we have lately heard so much. political parties approach a contest within Well, that is not a new question. We these walls; and if it is the desire of the have been establishing and completing our party opposite to make a trial of strength, home defences for a considerable period. why let them try fairly, in a way that It is a subject which has engaged the atshall explain itself to the whole world. tention of Parliament and the resources We do not at all shrink from that contest; of the country for now more than ten but we will not accept a Resolution that years. Ten years ago a Ministry was implies censure which they are not pre-formed for the sole purpose of establishing pared openly and in words to move. Ia Militia throughout this country founded trust the House will not be deceived by an assertion that is merely putting in different words the meaning that the House has not confidence in Her Majesty's Government. I say the words of our Resolution are sufficient to satisfy any reasonable man. If the House have no confidence in Her Majesty's Government let them say so, and we shall then know what to do.

Amendment proposed,

To leave out from the word "That" to the end of the Question, in order to add the words " this House, deeply impressed with the necessity of economy in every Department of the State, is at the same time mindful of its obligation to provide for the security of the Country at Home and the protection of its interests Abroad; and observes with satisfaction the decrease which has already been effected in the National Expenditure, and trusts that such further diminution may be made therein as the future state of things may made therein as the future state of things may

on a popular principle. Well, a Militia, on that principle, was established, and most successfully established. During the ten years that have elapsed that Militia has been embodied; it has fed our regular army with soldiers equal to veterans; it has sustained foreign service in our garrisons with a discipline which those who commanded there have recognised as equal to that of the Line; and when war ceased, that Militia was disembodied; and when the annual appeal was made to it for its muster-which, at the time, it was said, would be quite illusory -that appeal has always been responded to with an alacrity-as displayed in the last few weeks, I may say days-which has shown that one great arm of our national defences has been successfully, lished. But the Government, that ten years completely, and I hope permanently estabago was called into existence specifically to effect this object, effected also another great MR. DISRAELI: Sir, from the some-object connected with our home defences. what desultory observations of the noble Lord, I observe that one topic was studiously omitted; he avoided all reference to the present condition of our finances, though that condition-described by one Member of Her Majesty's Government as unhealthy, and believed by Parliament and the people of England to be dangerous -is the real cause why the subject of national expenditure has been brought, somewhat suddenly it may be, but most earnestly, under the consideration both of Parliament and the people. Now, Sir, I am sure I do not misinterpret the general feeling of the House upon this subject

warrant,"

-instead thereof.

It established a Channel Fleet. After that period this country was engaged in war. Its immediate attention was, for a time, diverted from the specific object of home defences; but the indirect effect of that war very much increased our means of defence at home, for it produced a perfect army in this country, which, in every branch, and in every military attribute, is now recognised as inferior to none in existence. Well, Sir, subsequently to all this, by one of those spontaneous acts of public spirit which eminently distinguishes England, you saw the great Volunteer movement raise a do

We

mestic army, now admirably disciplined, I had a discussion on the subject, the and which, I trust, will be of a perma- noble Lord at the head of the Governnent character. What is the consequence ment concluded his observations by saying of these great incidents so far as our home that England should be prepared for a defences are concerned? Counting our sudden invasion of its shores by its nearest regular army, which for some years on an neighbour-that this country should be average in this country has been not less prepared against some midnight foray of a than 100,000 men, you have in England cordial ally. Such declarations confound at least, in the United Kingdom-a body of civilization; and a policy founded on such disciplined men, accustomed to the use of principles can only lead to national disarms, of not less than from 350,000 to aster. So much for our national defences; 400,000, a garrison for these islands equal so much for the subject which has engaged almost to the army of France; and in the anxious attention of Parliament and addition you have the command of the the country more or less for the last ten Channel by your fleet. Well, then, Sir, years. I say that we have completely I say that so far as our home defences are succeeded in effecting our object. concerned we have not been idle or un- have in these islands a force of nearly successful in our exertions, and that it is 400,000 men disciplined, used to arms, difficult to conceive how any country can and animated with that high spirit which be in a position more completely secure a free country alone can display. We than Great Britain is at this present mo- have, in addition, a commanding fleet in ment. If, however, there be any proposi- the Channel, as we ought to have; and tion by which our home defences can be we are prepared to support any measures really improved, I am quite sure that Par- that may be necessary to increase our liament will listen to such a proposition home defences. This being so, I think we from any Government with the utmost at- ought to consider at this moment what has tention; but for the present this great re- been done, and review our position with sult remains, and none can deny it, that calmness. I say it is a monstrous mistake we have in England, and have had in Eng- for a moment to suppose that this country land for some years, a garrison-I may is not adequately defended-and, I say, call it a national garrison-composed of that there is no country in the world, our regular troops, our Militia, and our so far as artificial arrangements are conVolunteers, and other elements which it cerned, more secure than England. And would be wearisome now to dwell upon- what is this country that you have so proamounting to scarcely less than 400,000 perly guarded and protected? Is it a men; and we have in the Channel an effi- country without any spirit of its own? cient and commanding fleet. Well, Sir, Is it like some other countries, where the I am myself a supporter of such a state of Government is mere police, where there affairs as regards our defences-not with is no public opinion, no public spirit, reference to any country contiguous to us nothing of the inspiration of ancient freeor to the disposition or policy of any of dom, no strength and resources but those our neighbours. In my mind this is a of the Government itself? Why, Sir, state of things which ought to exist ab- that Minister is unworthy of governing stractedly, if I may use the term, with this country who forgets for a moment regard to the defences of this country. And that the people of England are the most while I would not, for example, rest that enthusiastic people in the world. There programme of defence upon the assump- are more excitable people to be met with tion of friendship on the part of our the French, for example, are far more neighbours-an element which I for one excitable-but there is no people so enhave no wish to bring into this considera-thusiastic as the English, as they have tion-so I would not, on the other hand, shown, among other instances, in this do as the noble Lord does, argue in fa- very question of national defence. vour of those means of defence on the as- say of this country, protected by 400,000 sumption of the enmity of our neighbours. men and a commanding fleet in the ChanWe ought to look to our means of de- nel, that we are in danger of midnight fence on this principle alone-whether invasion from cordial allies is a mystificathey are adequate to the position which this tion too monstrous for belief. country occupies. And I must say that I was astonished that even in so recent a period as three weeks ago, when we

Το

I come now, Sir, to the second point of the hon. Gentleman's Resolution-the protection of our interests abroad. I have

been trying to give some meaning to a England, when once we chose to engage in phrase so vague. By protecting our inte- war, were such that it was not a question rests abroad I conclude that the House of with us of one, two, or three campaigns; Commons means that in all our principal but that, as we had proved in old days, stations throughout the world we should our determination, supported by our rebe represented by an adequate armed sources, would allow us to prepare for an force; that our commerce should be duly indefinite struggle, whenever we had an protected; that our foreign garrisons adequate object. But I say, if you allow should be efficient, their fortifications your finances to be sapped and weakened, strong, their armaments complete, their you are at the same time weakening this troops numerous; that in our great prime source of your authority. You naval stations-the Mediterranean and may have these strong garrisons in foreign the West Indies-we should have com- parts, and you may have those improved manding fleets to secure our supremacy armaments, and those fleets of comof the sea. Well, Sir, these are cer- manding power; but if you have omitted tainly sources of influence for England the greater, or at least the principal, in her intercourse with foreign Powers source of your power-namely, a sound and foreign Courts. When it is known state of your finances you may find that the garrisons of England are strong, that you have omitted a most importthat her fleets are commanding, that ant element of that influence abroad, her extensive and unrivalled commerce and that security for maintaining it, of in every clime is adequately defended, which we have heard so much. Now, we no doubt those are sources of respect are sometimes asked, why do you not for us with foreign Courts and countries. propose something definite when you talk But allow me to say, there is also another of retrenchment? The answer is obvious. great source of influence, and perhaps the In the position in which we stand, we greatest, which England possesses with must deal with general truths and aim foreign countries. I pretend to no more at general conclusions. It is only for experience of foreign Courts, and fo- Gentlemen who sit on the other side of reign statesmen, than has fallen to the the table to come forward with specific lot of many, perhaps to the majority, of propositions on specific items. But, Sir, I Gentlemen in this House; but I have think it is not difficult even on this side of seen some, and I have in the course of my the table to place before the House some life been in communication with some results which, if I have not mistaken of the most eminent statesmen of various the character of the House of Commons, countries-men of different political par- and the common sense of England, will not ties and of varied experience and I have be listened to with indifference. Sir, I have always heard them use this language with shown you that whether you look to your regard to the influence of England-that home defences at the present moment, or the real cause of that influence of England to the means which you now possess of —which, no doubt, on the average, is the protecting your interests and maintaining most permanent influence throughout the your influence abroad, you have made Continent-may be found in this circum- adequate preparation. Well, Sir, I have stance, that England is the only country taken the necessary pains to calculate which, when it enters into a quarrel that what is the cost of these home defences it believes to be just, never ceases its of which I think we may be justly proud, efforts until it has accomplished its aim. and with which I think we may be perWhereas it was always felt in old times, fectly satisfied; also of the cost of and in generations that are passed-and those fleets and garrisons that we have hon. Gentlemen can form their own con- abroad at the present moment to proclusions whether the present state of Eu- tect our interests and maintain our inrope makes any difference in this matter; fluence. I have, from official documents in that, with scarcely an exception, there the possession of every hon. Gentleman, was not a State in Europe, not even the made calculations of what is the united proudest and most powerful, that could cost and expenditure to the country under ever enter into a third campaign. What, those two heads :-and I find, when I have then, gave us this power of continuing ascertained that cost, it does not account any war on which we had entered? It for our naval and military expenditure by was the financial reserve of England. It a vast sum; that after supplying the was the conviction that the resources of sums necessary to maintain those defences

and protect those interests, there still both in number and effectiveness, exis a vast expenditure under those heads ceed any collection of stores that this unaccounted for. Then, I say, at the country has had for the last fifty years, first glance there would appear to be My authority for this statement is one some margin-even in that view of the who long sat in this House, a great case-for considerable, and, in the present advocate of military expenditure, and a state of the finances, of necessary reduc- most distinguished member of the military tion. But then a plausible objection may profession. I believe I am right in saying, be taken, and I am here to acknowledge that from the siege train to the ambuits plausibility and to answer it, for lances, England never was so profusely and we hear it every day, whenever this effectively furnished as at this moment. question is brought forward. "You for- Then, Sir, I say, that where we find that get that the naval and military condi- these armaments have been carried on so tion of England at the present moment is effectively and completely, and apparently one of transition; that you are changing so near to entire fulfilment, the conclusion in this age of scientific discovery, and sci- we must arrive at is, that the time has entific discovery especially applied to war- come, and in the present condition of fare, your whole system of armament, and affairs we are compelled to ask whether it that this leads to the vast expenditure has come or not, when considerable reducwhich, otherwise, would not be accounted tions may be made in our military and naval for." Well, that is a satisfactory solution, expenditure without in the least impairing provided one condition be fulfilled, that it our home defences, or without in the least is true. I will now examine whether it affecting the efficiency of those forces is true or not. which protect our interests abroad. This We have before us now, in the state- is a condition of affairs, which, if it be as ments of the Minister, and in papers I have described it—and I have described on our table, authentic information on it only from authentic and official informathese subjects. What have you done with tion-certainly does hold out to the people regard to the armament of your army of this country the means by which reand navy and other forces during the trenchment-necessary and inevitable relast few years? You have done great trenchment can be made with honour, things. You have completely armed with security, and with prudence. your regular troops, in amount ex- But, then, I may be told that I forget, ceeding 200,000 men, with the most per- that although our armaments are comfect weapon of modern invention the plete, although the whole of our forces, to Enfield rifle. You have armed your the amount of hundreds of thousands of Militia with the Enfield rifle. You have men, are armed with the Enfield rifle, armed the Volunteers with the Enfield with enough in store to sustain and feed rifle. You have armed even Canada with the various arms of our forces for ten the Enfield rifle. And having done all years; although we shall have at the end this, you have in store at this moment a of this year 5,000 Armstrong guns, twonumber of Enfield rifles capable of arming thirds of heavy calibre; although all our your regular forces, your Militia, your garrisons abroad and nearly all at home, Volunteers, and even Canada, for a space and all our field batteries, are supplied of ten years. If you have effected these with these unrivalled weapons, yet a great great results for your small arms, what change in the means and material by have you done for your artillery? You which ships are constructed has taken have armed the whole of your foreign place, which renders, on the part of Enggarrisons with Armstrong guns. You land, a great expenditure under this have armed your domestic garrisons with head necessary. Well, Sir, let us, if we the same artillery. You have completely can-and I think on a subject connected armed the whole of your field artillery with our finances we can - - let us exwith Armstrong guns; and for this cur- amine this point with calmness. Now, rent year of 1862-3, you have voted I am not going to enter with the noble money which will produce nearly 2,500 Lord into any controversy about the remore Armstrong guns, two-thirds of them lative number of iron ships that England of heavy calibre; altogether, giving you and France may possess. I think the time about 5,000 guns of that character. You has not yet come when the naval powers have done more than that; you have of England and France are to be meaat this moment military stores which, sured by iron ships. But I must say, since