in the House; because, if it were to be set 'Jurisdiction Bill and the Unlawful Oaths up as a precedent, the decision of any ma- Bill, had become law. There was, jority of the House might be reversed at then, the Assurances Registration Bill, three o'clock in the morning by a minority the Births and Deaths Registration Bill taking advantage of an accidental oppor- (which proposed to make policemen registunity for doing mischief. The right hon. [trars), the Bastardy Bill, the Poor Law Baronet was, in his opinion, to some ex- Officers Superannuation Bill, the County tent responsible for what had been done Surveyors Bill-a useless measure, the obon Friday night, because he should have ject of which seemed to be to transfer the protested against the attempt of a minority examination of surveyors to London-the opposite to obtain an accidental triumph. Weights and Measures Bill, the Fairs and On the 20th of June, the Committee on Markets Bill, and the Poor Removal Bill. the Poor Relief Bill passed a clause limit- Among the seventeen Bills in the hands ing the number of proxies to be held by a of private Members were the Marriages single individual to ten; but at daybreak Bill of the hon. and learned Member for on the morning of the 5th of July the Belfast (Sir Hugh Cairns), the Donations minority, who had been defeated on the and Bequests Bill of the hon. Member for 20th of June, succeeded by a surprise in Waterford-a Bill which had also been getting the word "ten" struck out, and taken up by the Government-the Grand "twenty" inserted instead. He submitted Jury Secretaries Bill, which was withthat this was a matter which affected the drawn; the Land Debentures Bill, which general conduct of the business of the had been upset by the Chief Secretary House. It all arose, as he could show, having gone over to the Opposition side out of the horrid mode in which the Irish of the House, where he wished the right business was conducted. On Tuesday last hon. Baronet had stopped; the Debentures there was a morning sitting for Irish on Land Bill, which was as like the Land business only-the business on the paper Debentures Bill as live fish was to fish being the Poor Relief Bill. There were alive; the Drainage Bill, the Fisheries other Bills for the evening sitting, includ- Bill of Mr. Hennessy, the Elections for ing the Weights and Measures Bill, the Counties Bill, and the Bills of Exchange Markets and Fairs Bill, the Births and Bill, brought in by one of the hon. Members Deaths Registration Bill, and the County for the City of Dublin; the Chancery ReguSurveyors Bill. On Thursday the Poor lation Bill, the Tralee Savings Bank Bill, Relief Bill and the County Surveyors the Irish Barristers Bill, and one or two Bill were again on the paper; but no- others. In consequence of the necessity of thing was done with them, although attending to this mass of business, he had the Irish Members were watching them been obliged to give up all English business. for twelve hours and a half. On Friday, His whole time was taken up, in fact, in at the day sitting, the Irish Members endeavouring to obstruct dangerous legiswere kept in attendance, waiting for the lation. He hoped the right hon. Baronet Drainage Bill, which was now a Govern- the Chief Secretary for Ireland would ment measure, because they had entered confine his attempts at legislation to the into a compromise with the hon. and gal- Poor Removal Bill and to the better porlant Member for Limerick (Colonel Dick- tion of the Fairs and Markets Bill. In son), and had consented to take up the his opinion the right hon. Baronet was the Bill on consideration of the important wrong person in the wrong place. He Motion on the subject of the Irish Con- thought he should transfer his talents to stabulary having been withdrawn. The some other place, where they would be Fisheries Bill was on the paper for the more appreciated. During the last thirty evening sitting, but no progress was made years there had been seventeen Chief with either measure. There were no Secretaries. They were all still alive, and fewer than fifteen Government Bills, none he hoped that so far the right hon. Baroof which, with the exception of the Poor net would follow their example, and live Relief Bill, were of public advantage. a long time too. He, however, hoped that There were, in addition, seventeen other Irish Bills promoted by private Members, some of which were good and some bad. The Peace Preservation Bill was a most mischievous measure of the Government. This Bill, together with the Summary

the noble Lord who had thrust the right hon. Baronet upon the country would remove him again. The noble Lord gave him, and perhaps the noble Lord would take him away. In that event, the right hon. Baronet would be entitled to com

pensation for all he had gone through, | night, to remain until a late hour in order and therefore he hoped he would be ele- to advance business as far as possible. No vated to the rank of Baron Tamworth, doubt a great number of changes in the or, perhaps, to the more appropriate office of Irish Secretary had taken place distinction of Earl of Donnybrook. He within the last half century, and therefore (Mr. Scully) had attended in his place if the same system were to continue his night after night, at the risk of his life. tenure of office would indeed be short. He If he had not the constitution of half-a- wished he could say the same thing of the dozen individuals, he would have had to hon. and learned Member for Cork. If. follow the example of the hon. and learn- that were the case, the hon. and learned ed Member for Mallow (Mr. Longfield), Gentleman's tenure of office would certainand obtain leave of absence for the rest of ly expire at the end of the Session, and the Session. The noble Lord at the head that House would not have the pleasure of of the Government generally made his ap- seeing him in the next Session. Now, in pointments with much tact, but why he reference to the Bills upon the Paper. sent the right hon. Baronet to Ireland was The Poor Relief (Ireland) Bill, he trusted, a profound mystery. The fact was, that would receive a third reading that night. the Chief Secretary had set the whole The County Surveyors (Ireland) Bill was country in a flame. He (Mr. Scully) a measure of great importance, and one dreaded the coming recess, when the right which was much wanted in Ireland. [Mr. hon. Baronet would have uninterrupted SCULLY: No, no!] The Fairs and Markets possession of Ireland, and could carry on (Ireland) Bill, he had at one time thought his proceedings without any Parliamentary would be passed this Session. It was a control. Let the right hon. Baronet make measure which had been much discussed, himself scarce in Ireland, and he would and one which would work a great deal have his (Mr. Scully's) best wishes. He of good in Ireland. He, however, did not could not deny that the right hon. Ba- now think it possible to pass it through ronet had great natural talents; and if Parliament this Session, but there were he turned his abilities in another direc- two principles contained in the Bill which tion, he would succeed better; but he was he hoped would be adopted by the House not the man to judge of the wants, wishes, in another form. Those principles were and feelings of the people of Ireland. It the establishment of a uniform standard was with regret he found himself obliged of weights and measures in Ireland, and to make a statement of this nature, and he the abolition of the charges for weighing only did so on the promptings of urgent in the markets. He proposed to introduty. He had never done so before, and duce two clauses bearing upon both points he hoped he would never have to do so in the Weights and Measures (Ireland) again. To put himself in order, he now Bill. The adoption of two such principles begged to move the adjournment of the would, he thought, prove of the greatest House. advantage to the smail farmers in Ireland as well as to all other persons interested in the matter. He therefore proposed to drop the Fairs and Markets (Ireland) Bill-a step, he confessed, he took with the greatest reluctance. He did not think it would be possible to proceed that night with the Weights and Measures (Ireland) Bill, but he hoped he would be able to proceed with the County Surveyors (Ireland) Bill after the Poor Relief (Ireland) Bill was disposed of.

SIR ROBERT PEEL said, he was already obliged to his hon. and learned Friend for his great courtesy towards him, and for the unequivocal terms in which he was good enough to refer to him in connection with his official duties during the present Session of Parliament. He (Sir Robert Peel), however, did not think that the House generally, or the other hon. Members from Ireland, would coincide in the opinion of the hon. and learned Gentleman, that he had manifested any intention of proceeding unfairly with the Irish business he had introduced. If the hon. and learned Gentleman had been kept to a late hour at night waiting for those measures to be brought on, he did not suffer that inconvenience alone. He (Sir Robert Peel) was also a sufferer in that respect, having been also compelled, night after

Motion, by leave, withdrawn.

THE STAFFORDSHIRE MILITIA.
QUESTION.

MR. MAGUIRE said, he rose to ask the Secretary of State for War, Whether he has any objection to produce a Copy of the Resignation of Nicholas C. Whyte,

the Board were much more likely to study | sanction, first of the Metropolitan Board of the public taste than any gentleman filling Works, and secondly of the First Commisthe office of Chief Commissioner, whose sioner of Works. One might sanction, the interference in such matters would very other might refuse, and thus there might probably be viewed as vexatious and incon- be a conflicting authority, which might venient. The Metropolitan Board of Works lead to confusion, delay, and expense, was now intrusted with the execution of which might prevent the progress of the some of the largest and most important en- works for years. He protested against gineering works of modern times. Upon this kind of piecemeal legislation; and, what grounds, then, should it be controlled however it might have been some years in carrying out the embellishments of the ago, he thought there was nothing in the intended embankment by the unnecessary present circumstances of the metropolis to interference of the First Commissioner. justify the House of Commons in frittering He contended that nothing had been done away responsibility or in imposing a vexaby the Metropolitan Board since they had tious restraint on the fair action of the been enabled by the Legislature to proceed Metropolitan Board of Works, whose with the most important engineering work members, whether elected by the best of modern times to warrant the suspicion constituency or not, were the legitimate that in carrying out the Thames Embank- representatives of the taxpayers of the ment they would propose anything in the metropolis, who were carrying out and way of ornament which would necessarily paying for a great metropolitan improvesubject them to the vexatious interference ment. He begged to move the omission of the First Commissioner. It was im- of that clause. possible to say that they had not fully and satisfactorily discharged the great duties intrusted to them, and it was too bad to assume that they were unequal to the ornamentation, however slight, of the few miles of cmbankment which they were to be called upon to construct out of metropolitan funds, and for which they were to be held responsible. But the clause was not only against all principle-it was also against all experience. The veto imposed upon the Metropolitan Board in 1855 produced nothing but ill-will, jealousy, litigation, controversy, and failure; and in 1858 Parliament was obliged to abolish it, though not before it had cost the public some £12,000 or £13,000. Since its abolition the Metropolitan Board had done its work well and satisfactorily. He objected to the clause, moreover, because it was in direct antagonism with the preamble, which declared the expediency of intrusting the Metropolitan Board with the execution of the proposed embankment and all the works connected with it. The preamble, in effect, stated that it was expedient the Metropolitan Board of Works should be empowered to form a certain embankment on the Thames from Blackfriars Bridge to Westminster Bridge. Under the 35th clause a lessee was compelled, most properly, to obtain the sanction of the Metropolitan Board of Works to the plans of any building he might propose to crect. But under the joint operation of the two clauses, the 34th and the 35th, an unfortunate lessee must obtain the double

VOL. CLXVII. [THIRD SERIES.]

He congratu

LORD FERMOY entirely concurred in what had been stated by the noble Lord opposite. He could not be a party to this clause, either in the sense of passing an indirect censure upon the Metropolitan Board of Works, or for more substantial reasons. The works were to be carried on by funds supplied by the coal and wine duties. If the land reclaimed from the river were saddled by too many conditions, its value would be proportionately reduced, because persons proposing to become lessees would take this into account, and offer a smaller sum. lated the noble Lord opposite on his able and fair vindication of the character of the Metropolitan Board of Works as a representative body, and he hoped that the First Commissioner of Works would get up in his place and inform the Committee that in his opinion the matter might be safely left in the hands of the body which had so far successfully carried out the stupendous works connected with the drainage of the metropolis, and with so little unpopularity among those who had to defray the expense.

MR. KER SEYMER begged permission to clear the First Commissioner from all participation in the introduction of this clause. When the Bill was referred to the Select Committee, he (Mr. Ker Seymer) went carefully over it, and arrived at the conclusion that some such clause was nccessary. He therefore proposed it for the adoption of the Committee; and though he was sorry to be opposed by one who

3 C

spoke on these matters with the authority | ber. With respect to this question, the of the noble Lord, he had not been con- House of Commons had year after year vinced by his arguments, and should decided that it would not contribute anytherefore now take the sense of the Com- thing towards the improvement of the memittee on its retention. He must add, tropolis out of the Consolidated Fund: the however, that when he first introduced the works were therefore to be constructed by clause, it was with no wish to disparage funds raised upon the metropolis by the the character or the usefulness of the wine and coal duties; and though it might Metropolitan Board of Works, or to in- be true that every one who ordered wine terfere vexatiously with their functions. from a London wine merchant did to that He thought that this was an exceptional extent contribute, yet the wine duties case, quite unusual, quite different, and formed a very small portion indeed. The quite distinct from the operations which great bulk of the fund was raised by the generally fell under the control of that coal dues, and was therefore directly conbody. There were three objects in view tributed by the inhabitants of the me-namely, a proper place for the low-tropolis represented by the Metropolitan level sewer, improved communication, and the ornamentation of the metropolis. The first two objects fell legitimately within the control of the Metropolitan Board of Works; the last should, he thought, be brought under the control of the Government and the House. He did not think that the Metropolitan Board had any cause to complain, seeing that the works were not, in fact, to be completed from funds raised from the ratepayers, but from the funds provided by the coal and wine duties. Every man, therefore, who ordered his wine of a London wine merchant contributed in some degree to the fund. He thought the men of taste were dangerous; but there was a class still more dangerous, and that was the men of no taste. He thought the men of no taste quite as expensive as the men of taste, and more dangerous. He therefore trusted that the clause would be assented to by the Committee.

SIR JOHN SHELLEY said, this was almost the only point upon which he had ventured to differ from his hon. Friend (Mr. K. Seymer) in the Committee. With regard to the absence of any opposition to the clause in the Committee by the counsel for the Metropolitan Board of Works, it arose from the feeling, that as the First Commissioner of Works was Chairman of the Committee, it was rather a delicate thing to oppose his having the veto given him by the clause. For his own part, he regretted that the clause was not opposed by the counsel for the Board, because, had it been, he believed the clause would never have received their sanction. He thanked the noble Lord opposite (Lord J. Manners) for the manner in which he had brought the question forward. It came much better from his noble Friend than from any metropolitan Mem

Board of Works. Besides this argument for giving that Board full and final control over the works, he (Sir J. Shelley) objected to giving a veto to the First Commismissioner, for the reason that Governments in this country were not very long-lived, and each First Commissioner would have his own taste in architecture; so that they would be able by the difference in style to tell when an admirer of the Gothic style was in office, and when an advocate of the Italian exercised the veto. He trusted that the House would support the Amendment of the noble Lord. He would put it to the Members for any large city or borough, such as Liverpool, Manchester, or Birmingham, how they would like such a proposal as that contained in this clausenamely, to give the First Commissioner of Works control over any local improvements made from local funds.

LORD ROBERT CECIL said, he entertained no very high opinion either of the Board of Works or of the Metropolitan Board so far as related to questions of economy or taste. The proposal under discussion was, he might add, simply one to saddle the citizens of London with the payment of a certain amount of money which the right hon. Gentleman the First Commissioner was to be at liberty to spend

proposal to which, as one who lived principally in the metropolis, he for one decidedly objected. It was, in his opinion, quite an alarming power with which to invest the right hon. Gentleman at the expense of the coal-consumers of this large city, to say that he should be able to put his veto on works of utility merely because they did not suit his own particular architectural views. What, he should like to know, would the hon. Members for Manchester or Birmingham think of such a scheme if it were proposed to give it effect