the enemies of his Catholic Majesty.* Should it here be stated that a high Roman Catholic ecclesiastic once estimated, that under the Spanish rule in South America, fifteen millions of the wretched people, who had been reduced to slavery, owing to the hardships incidental to the cruel bondage to which they were subjected, miserably perished, some idea might be formed of the horrors of the tyranny under which they had long groaned. A well written history of South America would be particularly interesting to the American citizen. A Motley has given some faint idea of the acts of the Spanish Monarchy and of the Inquisition in Holland, but where has there arisen a writer of equal gracefulness of style, and of equal research, to give an account of the same awfully instructive history in South America? However wretchedly poor were the people of South America, yet for a long period, whenever any of them collected a little money they were tempted to part with it for indulgences, -or "Bulls" as they were called by the ignorant people. Thus their scanty means were made to flow toward Rome where an Italian Pontiff lived in regal splendor. The student of history is apt to be more and more surprised as he finds how immense was the number of these "Bulls" which were sent to South America. It was natural that such an intelligent lover of civil liberty as was Jefferson, should view with interest the struggle which was taking place in South America.

On December 6th, 1813, writing to Humboldt, Jefferson said: "The livraison of your astronomical observations, and the 6th and 7th on the subject of New Spain,

* See 66 'Memoirs of the Mexican Revolution: Including a Narrative of the Expedition of General Xavier Mina," etc., etc. By William Davis Robinson-a citizen of the United States who was himself in South America during a part of the war.

with the corresponding atlasses, are duly received, as had been the preceding cahiers. For these treasures of a learning, so interesting to us, accept my sincere thanks. I think it most fortunate that your travels in those countries were so timed as to make them known to the world in the moment they were about to become actors on its stage. That they will throw off their European dependence I have no doubt; but in what kind of government their revolution will end I am not so certain. History, I believe, furnishes no example of a priest-ridden people maintaining a free civil government. This marks the lowest grade of ignorance, of which their civil as well as religious leaders will always avail themselves for their own purposes. The vicinity of New Spain to the United States, and their consequent intercourse, may furnish schools for the higher, and example for the lower classes of their citizens. And Mexico, where we learn from you that men of science are not wanting, may revolutionize itself under better auspices than the Southern provinces. These last, I fear, must end in military despotisms. The different casts of their inhabitants, their mutual hatred and jealousies, their profound ignorance and bigotry, will be played off by cunning leaders, and each made the instrument of enslaving the others."

To Humboldt, on the 13th of June, 1817, Jefferson again wrote, and alluded to Spanish American affairs. "The physical information you have given us," he said, "of a country hitherto so shamefully unknown, has come exactly in time to guide our understandings in the great political revolution now bringing it into prominence on the stage of the world. The issue of its struggles, as they respect Spain, is no longer matter of doubt. As it respects their own liberty, peace and happiness, we cannot be quite so certain. Whether the blinds of big

otry, the shackles of the priesthood, and the fascinating glare of rank and wealth, give fair play to the common sense of the mass of their people, so far as to qualify them for self-government, is what we do not know. Perhaps our wishes may be stronger than our hopes. The first principle of republicanism is, that the lex majoris partis is the fundamental law of every society of individuals of equal rights; to consider the will of the society announced by the majority of a single vote, as sacred as if unanimous, is the first of all lessons of importance, yet the last which is thoroughly learnt. This law once disregarded no other remains but that of force, which ends necessarily in military despotism. This has been the history of the French revolution, and I wish the understanding of our Southern brethren may be sufficiently enlarged and firm to see that their fate depends on its sacred observance.

"In our America we are turning to public improvements. Schools, roads, and canals are everywhere either in operation or contemplation. * * * We consider the employment of the contributions which our citizens can spare, after feeding and clothing, and lodging themselves comfortably, as more useful, more moral, and even more splendid, than that preferred by Europe, of destroying human life, labor and happiness."

To Monsieur Dupont de Nemours, Jefferson on April 15th, 1811, wrote saying,

"Another great field of political experiment is opening in our neighborhood, in Spanish America. I fear the degrading ignorance into which their priests and kings have sunk them, has disqualified them from the maintenance or even knowledge of their rights, and that much blood may be shed for little improvement in their condi tion. Should their new rulers honestly lay their shoul

ders to remove the great obstacles of ignorance, and press the remedies of education and information, they will still be in jeopardy until another generation comes into place, and what may happen in the interval cannot be predicted, nor shall you or I live to see it."

One of Jefferson's most intimate friends was General Kosciuszko. In a brief sketch of the life of this distinguished Polish friend of America, Jefferson wrote: "The workings of his mind on the subject of civil liberty were early and vigorous; before he was twenty, the vassalage of his serfs filled him with abhorrence, and the first act of his manhood was to break their fetters." As Jefferson hated slavery and longed to see it abolished in the United States, Kosciuszko's abhorrence of slavery endeared him all the more to him. Sympathizing with the Americans in their struggle with the British Government, he obtained in Paris a letter from Benjamin Franklin to Washington. Not long after his arrival in the United States, being an accomplished officer, he was made an engineer with the rank of Colonel in the American army. He planned works on a range of hills called Bemis Heights, in the State of New York. These works Burgoyne's army twice unsuccessfully attacked before surrendering to the Americans. Kosciuszko also planned Fort Putnam at West Point-a fort whose interesting ruins are still sometimes visited by the excursionist or thoughtful traveller. After rendering other services to the United States, and receiving the thanks of Congress, he returned to Poland. In Poland he was made a MajorGeneral. It is not necessary here to dwell upon the causes of the wars which preceded the final partition of Poland. To do so it would be necessary to dwell upon the sad religious history of Poland, upon the evils existing in a nation made up of nobles and serfs; upon the

degradation to which an illiterate people sink, and to the dangers to which a people are exposed whose very incompetency for self-government invites foreign interference in their political affairs. Kosciuszko naturally wished to see the Poles as free as were Americans. Whether he took the best method to accomplish his wish need not here be discussed. As a general he became greatly distinguished. On a memorable day in the history of Poland he was wounded and fell bleeding to the earth. Soon afterwards occurred the final partition of Poland. A few years after this last event Kosciuszko, still suffering from his wounds, visited the United States, and received many honors. In Europe he also was treated with high respect. In a conversation with the Emperor of Russia he besought him to give to Poland a constitution, and to establish schools for the education of the peasants. Jefferson in a letter to Mr. Jullien, dated July 23rd, 1818, spoke of Kosciuszko as "The brave auxiliary of my country in its struggle for liberty, and,” Jefferson continued, " from the year 1797, when our particular acquaintance began, my most intimate and much beloved friend. On his departure from the United States in 1798, he left in my hands an instrument, appropriating after his death, all the property he had in our public funds, the price of his military services here, to the education and emancipation of as many of the children of bondage in this country, as it would be adequate to." This trust imposed upon him by his Polish friend Jefferson accepted. Kosciuszko greatly admired Jefferson and sometimes called him his "Dear Aristides." When Kosciuszko died the women of Poland went into mourning. The Senate of Poland caused a tomb to be erected which is still a grand monument. In the rotunda of the great Capitol at Washington is a bust of this distinguished friend of liberty.