Page images
PDF
EPUB

might not have possessed if coming from the lips of some of his fellow-members.

The bursting of the speculative bubble was very nearly at hand, but mere local effervescence might have died harmlessly away if there had been anything local in the financial crisis of 1837. What have seemed to some biographers of Lincoln wild and visionary projects, to be excused as born in the excited brain of an inexperienced youth, were neither wild nor visionary, and need no apology whatever. He was not even feverishly hasty. The one defect running through all was an ignorance of sound financial principles, which was almost world-wide and not confined to Illinois legislators. The financial disturbances which followed did not begin in America, but in Europe, and they crossed the Atlantic as a tidal wave, striking the Eastern States first and rolling westward, everywhere finding all things made ready for them by the absence of a trustworthy system of banking and exchanges. The land and town lot craze made the other preparations more complete. The Legislature attempted to provide for a canal uniting the waters of the Mississippi and the great lakes, and for the construction of about thirteen hundred and fifty miles of railroads. All are now in existence, with many and many another hundred miles of rail, which made the river-channel improvements unnecessary. There was a temporary postponement of the great plan of development, and that was all. When the Legislature adjourned, March 4th, 1837, there were signs of the financial storm which was coming, but these were

more clearly perceptible in the East than in the West.

The day before the adjournment Mr. Lincoln made his first public record as an anti-slavery man. There were but few abolitionists in the United States at that time, an almost proscribed handful of men and women, hooted at, derided, mobbed, regarded as fanatical incendiaries. There was, indeed, a strong and growing feeling of opposition to any farther extension of slavery north of the line of 36° 30', which had been agreed upon as its northern limit, but the establishment of that barrier had served to satisfy the easy consciences of nearly all men. Any expression of sentiments threatening a disturbance of the peculiar institution upon its own ground was enough to make a marked man of the speaker or writer. In some communities it might destroy his political and social standing, while in others it might imperil his property and his life.

The State Legislature of Illinois was soundly and conservatively pro-slavery, and had so declared itself, but it contained one member who had distinct opinions of his own, and who found one other member bold enough to agree with him. Together they drew up a written protest, which, on March 3d, 1837, they presented to the House, caused to be read and recorded upon the official journal. It was as follows:

'Resolutions upon the subject of domestic slavery having passed both branches of the General Assembly at its present session, the undersigned hereby protest against the passage of the same.

"They believe that the institution of slavery is founded on both

injustice and bad policy, but that the promulgation of abolition doctrines tends rather to increase than to abate its evils.

"They believe that the Congress of the United States has no power, under the Constitution, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the different States.

They believe that the Congress of the United States has the power, under the Constitution, to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, but that the power ought not to be exercised unless at the request of the people of the District.

[ocr errors]

The difference between these opinions and those contained in the said resolutions is their reason for entering this protest.

"

"DAN. STONE,

"A. LINCOLN,

Representatives from the County of Sangamon.”

So moderate a protest, signed by but two men, made hardly a ripple; but in after years the record was hunted up and made the most of by two great parties, because of one of those names. There is a sense in which it is to be regarded as Lincoln's declaration of war.

So far as his popularity at home was concerned, his most important work during that session related to the removal of the State capital from Vandalia to Springfield. In the year 1834 the question had been voted upon by the people of Illinois without obtaining any more important result than a very long list of towns as candidates. Springfield was nominally third upon the list, but was really the second choice of every more southerly constituency. Upon Mr. Lincoln fell the task of concentrating all this strength and of so balancing the rivalries between northern towns as to prevent any of them from rallying too many supporters. It is even said that there were aspiring cities and counties who

were willing to yield the capital to the Long Nine, and receive in payment the votes of the latter for a railway charter or a new bank. However that may be, the final triumph of Springfield was frankly and generally admitted to have been the work of Mr. Lincoln, and he and his colleagues returned home to receive something like civil honors from a grateful people. Public dinners were given them here and there, and in the toasts announced and in the speeches made the name of Mr. Lincoln received frequent and enthusiastic tributes. Sangamon County would have forgiven him even a stronger anti-slavery protest, and would have also altogether forgotten it in its fervid gratitude for the great gift of the seat of State Government. Besides, he and Dan Stone had taken pains to separate themselves from all abolitionists. It was a great year for that political sect, and their numbers and power were suddenly increased fourfold before it ended, for in the Autumn of 1837 the pro-slavery mob of Alton, Ill., murdered Elijah P. Lovejoy and threw his abolition press and types into the Mississippi. Other outrages and cruelties elsewhere helped them amazingly, but they were not yet quite strong enough to organize a political party.

CHAPTER X.

Removal to Springfield—Admitted to the Bar-The Panic of 1837-The Log-Cabin Campaign—A Stormy Courtship - Melancholia - True Friendships-A Burlesque on Duelling-Marriage.

IT required something more than an act of the Legislature to transfer the State capital from Vandalia to Springfield. The process of removing all the official machinery and appliances was not completed until the year 1839.

There was, however, no great difficulty in transporting all the personal effects of Abraham Lincoln from New Salem to the young city, which was thenceforth to be his place of residence. He was admitted to the bar in the Spring of 1837, not long after returning from Vandalia, and he at once formed a partnership with his old friend John T. Stuart, the man who had loaned him Blackstone's Commentaries to read on the way home. Law practice was sure to come to a man so very well known throughout the county, and Mr. Stuart himself was prominent both as a lawyer and as a politician. The worst drawback to Lincoln's immediate comfort was the fact that, while fees were moderate, some of his old debts yet remained unpaid. He adopted a most economical style of living. At first he slept upon a lounge in his own law office. After

« PreviousContinue »