Seward, or "ultimate extinction" in the person of Abraham Lincoln.

When the Democratic National Convention reassembled at Baltimore, with some changes in its membership, its division was completed. One faction nominated John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, and Joseph Lane, of Oregon. The other nominated Stephen A. Douglas, of Illinois, and Herschel V. Johnson, of Georgia.

Already, on May 9th, the shattered remnants of the old Whig Party had held a convention at Baltimore, had declared themselves the Constitutional Union Party, nominating John Bell, of Tennessee, and Edward Everett, of Massachusetts. They thus supplied, as before, a highly respectable cave in which a large number of conservative citizens could hide themselves, and pretend that they were out of the political storm that was raging.

The Republican State Convention of Illinois was held at Decatur, on May 9th and 10th, 1860. Nominations for the several State offices were made, and the usual routine business was transacted. Old John Hanks was not a delegate, but he came, bringing with him two of the rails which he and Lincoln had cut to fence in Thomas Lincoln's land, not far from that place, twenty years before. They were presented to the convention with extraordinary dramatic effect. Hanks brought them in himself, and they bore a huge placard, with the inscription:

"Two RAILS

from a lot made by Abraham Lincoln and John Hanks in the Sangamon Bottom in the year 1830."

Mr. Lincoln was already on the platform, to which he had been carried bodily over the heads of the cheering multitude, and in response to the boisterous demands now made for a speech, he arose and said:

"Gentlemen, I suppose you want to know something about those things. Well, the truth is, in the year 1830, John Hanks and I did make some rails in the Sangamon bottom, to fence a piece of land. I don't know whether these are some of those rails or not. The fact is, I don't think they are a credit to the makers. But I do know this, I made rails then, and I think I could make better rails than these now."

Those who expected a speech were disappointed, but an appeal had been made to the very hearts of the workingmen of the United States, and thousands of votes had been gained for the Illinois Rail Splitter, who had become so striking an example of the possibilities provided for the poorest day laborer by American institutions.

The convention adopted, enthusiastically, the following:

Resolved, That Abraham Lincoln is the first choice of the Republican Party of Illinois for the Presidency, and its delegates to the Chicago Convention are hereby instructed to use all honorable means to secure his nomination, and to cast the vote of the State as a unit for him."

On May 16th, 1860, the National Republican Convention met at Chicago, in a vast temporary wigwam" constructed for the occasion. The free States, Territories, and border slave Ştates were represented by regular delegations, and the city was thronged by a multitude of zealous politicians from

all parts of the country. Since the first assembling of the Continental Congress, there had been no gathering of American citizens for equally important action. The party which, during a quarter of a century to come, was to control the affairs of the nation, was to announce its principles and purposes, and select its representative. It was to name the man to whom it would commit unmeasured responsibility.

Two days were consumed in important and interesting preliminary business, in the adoption of a platform, and in exchanges of views among the delegates which tended to simplify and shorten the final process of nomination. It was discovered that while there were six other candidates, each more or less eminent and trustworthy, the real contest lay between Seward and Lincoln, representing the East and the West. It was also believed by many that the former was the more conservative, and that the nomination of the latter would carry with it a more explicit defiance of the slave power. The widespread processes developing the strength of Mr. Lincoln before the National Convention had expressed themselves well at the Illinois State Convention, and his able friends at Chicago had little more to do than to watch the working out of the sure result. Not one of them could claim to have been "the man who nominated Lincoln," for a multitude had done that, month after month. The third day of the convention witnessed a scene of the most intense, absorbing, thrilling excitement, as if the actors in that political drama were instinc

tively aware of the tremendous consequences of the ballots about to be taken.

It had been decided that a majority should nominate, the two thirds rule being put aside. On the first ballot the six minor candidates received complimentary votes, while Seward was given one hundred and seventy-three and one half, and Lincoln one hundred and two. It had been asserted that the New York statesman would poll very nearly his utmost strength at once, and all who were opposed to his nomination had thus their inevitable choice pointed out to them. On the second ballot they began to act accordingly, for Mr. Lincoln gained seventy-nine votes and Mr. Seward only eleven.

The feeling grew deeper, and there were almost silences over the vast assemblage, through which spasmodic bursts of cheering now and then broke out. The third ballot began, and proceeded until it was announced that Mr. Seward now had one hundred and eighty votes, and Mr. Lincoln two hundred and thirty-one and one half. One and one half more were needed to nominate him, and there was a moment of oppressive stillness until Mr. Cartter, of Ohio, sprang upon a chair and shouted that four delegates from that State had changed their votes from Chase to Lincoln. There was a great shout of relief from long suspense, responded to by a roar of cannon from without, and the nomination was declared to be unanimous.

Mr. Lincoln was in his office at Springfield when the telegraphic announcement of the result reached him. He had said that either Seward or himself

would receive the nomination. There was hardly a change in his manner as he read the despatch, but he ceased his pleasant chat with the group of friends around him, and went home to talk about the news with his wife.

The Republican platform had been carefully drawn, seeking to avoid any undue irritation of Southern feeling, but the several elements opposed to Mr. Lincoln's election persisted in asserting that the ultimate extinction" of slavery was the animating spirit of Republicanism, well expressed in its candidate. They were not at all in error, but a part of them at once determined that they and not the nation, as a whole, would select the time and the method for its extinction. They chose the bullet rather than the ballot.

The campaign went vigorously on, accompanied, day after day, by an increasing murmur from several of the slaveholding States, that they would not abide by the probable result. Secessionism in the South paid less attention to the Presidential canvass than to its feverish preparations for a dissolution of the Union. Through the long Summer months, and through September and October, Mr. Lincoln remained quietly at Springfield, receiving a continuous procession of political pilgrims, and receiving also a mass of correspondence from all quarters which kept him well advised of whatever was going on, South as well as North. He was in no manner ignorant of the plans, purposes, and performances of the disunionists.

The election was held upon November 6th, 1860.