nies, to deliberate upon the Acts of Parliament, and to consider a united representation to implore relief.' South Carolina heard and heeded the invitation for a conference. "Had it not been for South Carolina, no Congress would then have happened," said "the great statesman, the magnanimous, unwavering, faultless lover of his country, Christopher Gadsden." "As the united American people spread through the vast expanse over which their jurisdiction now extends, be it remembered," says Bancroft, "that the blessing of Union is due to the warm-heartedness of South Carolina." In Georgia, against the will of the Governor, the representatives came together and sent, near a thousand miles by land, an express messenger to New York, promising adhesion; for, said they, "No people, as individuals, can more warmly espouse the common cause than do the people of this Province."

The Congress met on the 7th of October, 1765.2 Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and South Carolina were represented by regularly chosen delegates. Delaware, New Jersey, New York, had less formal delegates. New Hampshire agreed to abide by the result. Georgia sent a special messenger to the body to obtain a copy of the proceedings. Governor Fauquier would not suffer the Assembly of Virginia to come together to express the unanimous voice of her 1 2 Ban., 317, 318.

22 Ban., 372.

people in behalf of liberty. The members of this first union of the American people were elected by the representatives of the people of each separate colony; all were commissioned not so regularly. While they formed one body, their power was derived from independent sources. Each of the colonies existed in its individuality, and notwithstanding great differ. ences in their respective populations and extent of territory, as they met in Congress, they recognized each other as equals, without the least claim of pre-eminence, one over the other. The Congress, avoiding the argument for American liberty from royal grants, claiming rights that preceded and would survive charters, in carefully considered documents embodied the demands of the colonies, and dwelt on the inherent right of trial by jury, and the right of freedom from taxation, except through the respective colonial legislatures.' The Assembly of South Carolina received the delegates on their return, adopted without change, and, lacking one vote, with unanimity, the resolves of Congress, and transmitted, without delay, to England, "the evidence that South Carolina gave its heart unreservedly to the cause of freedom and union." She wrote to her agent in London: "Every moment is tedious; should you have to communicate the good news we wish for, send it to us, if possible, by a messenger swifter than the wind.”

11 Pitkin, 442-6.

2 2 Ban., 408.

The resolute purpose of the colonists that the Stamp Act should not be enforced so far prevailed that it was repealed by Parliament, many lords and bishops entering their solemn protest, and the King deploring its repeal as the wellspring of all his sorrows. South Carolina voted a statue to Pitt; Virginia voted one to the King for his assent, and an obelisk on which were to be engraved the names of those who, in England, had signalized themselves for freedom.

The universal joy of America was unfortunately of short duration. The repeal of the Stamp Act was accompanied by a formal assertion of the full power and authority of the King and Parliament to make laws and statutes of sufficient force and validity to bind the Colonies and the people of America, “in all cases whatsoever." The claim of absolute authority was not long left in inaction. The Legislatures were required to support the soldiers quartered in the Colonies. Besides the billeting Act, port duties were laid on wine, oil, fruits, glass, paper, lead, colors, and tea. The Colonies were indignant at this imposition of new taxes, and this continued and offensive assertion of the unlimited power of Parliament.' In Massachusetts resistance was planned, and a Circular Letter to the sister Colonies was adopted. The Assembly of Virginia, which had been prorogued from time to time since its

1 2 Ban., 141.

session of November, 1766,' was called together in 1768, to devise measures for the prevention of Indian troubles. The Circular of Massachusetts was referred to a Committee of the Whole House. Petitions from freeholders of various counties, remonstrating against Acts of Parlia ment, fortified the courage of the members, who adopted unanimously memorials to England.' Massachusetts was commended for her devotion to civil liberty, and the Speaker was directed to write to the Speakers of all other Assemblies, making known her proceedings, and her opinions as to the need of firm and united opposition to every measure affecting their rights and liberties. In 1769, Washington said "something should be done to maintain the liberty we have derived from our ancestors," and he prepared a scheme, to be offered at the coming session of the House of Burgesses. In this House were Washington, Henry, and Jefferson. Demands by the Custom-house officers for writs of assistance in collection of revenues were declared illegal by the highest court. The Legislature claimed the exclusive right of imposing taxes on the inhabitants, and asserted the lawfulness and expediency of procuring a concert of the Colonies to care for their violated rights. Being dissolved by the Governor, they met together as patriots and friends, and adopted Washington's plan of non

importation, and further made a special covenant not to import slaves, nor purchase any imported. Every colony South followed the example, and adopted the resolves of Virginia. North Carolina offered the first armed resistance to British authority, and at Alamance, in 1771, was shed the first blood in the struggle for liberty. South Carolina enforced. the agreement of not importing by publishing as enemies the names of those who kept aloof from the association. She remitted to the society in London for supporting the Bill of Rights 10,500 pounds currency, that the liberties of Great Britain and America might alike be protected. In 1772, as the Government refused to pass any appropriations which should cover the grant to the Society for the Bill of Rights, the members declined to take any pay, and the planters ever stood ready to lend their purses and private credit to the wants of their agents or committees.'

Trescott, in an address before the South Carolina Historical Society, speaks of the character of Carolinians-a blending of English settlers and Huguenot immigrants-as "a character in which was fused, in admirable proportion, the strong will, the enterprise patient but bold, the rough truthfulness of the English mind, with the enthusiasm and quick facility and graceful courtesy of the French temper." The independence of the agriculturist and

1 3 Ban., 312.