rally, and go forward to final victory. In the great campaign of freedom we count, not by months, but by decades and generations, in which there will be many a Bull Run, many a Gettysburg, and a final Appomattox. The lines of march will be marked by many a cemetery like this, by the wrecks of fallen institutions and dynasties, and by the ruins of hereditary privilege and caste.

Let us briefly review the advance of liberty since 1776.

The principles of the Declaration of Independence took early and deep root in France. The people of the empire had long suffered from the grossest misrule and oppression, and their minds were well prepared to comprehend and accept the new gospel of Liberty. The French revolution first threw off the kingly government, then established complete democracy, but not knowing how to use liberty without abusing it, the people being governed by their passions, and seeking to avenge upon parties and classes the wrongs they had suffered for generations, passed into anarchy, from which the transition back to monarchy and despotism was easy and rapid. But the return of monarchy was not characterized by the former oppression and misrule. The people had learned their rights and monarchs had learned their power. Many of the old abuses which had been swept away by the revolution were gone forever. and the new monarchy governed with comparative justice, liberality, and humanity.

The spirit of liberty had entered into the hearts of the people, and from time to time asserted itself in various ways, and in 1848 France returned again to a republic. This lasted but a short time, but the new monarch who overthrew it and established himself upon its ruins was constrained to acknowledge the sovereignty of the people, and to profess to accept his crown by the vote of the majority. While we cannot say much for the freedom of that election, nor believe that the result was the will of the people, yet it was of vast significance that the usurping government was compelled to claim its title from a pretended popular election. In many respects the government of Napoleon III. has been excellent. He has recognized the freedom of religious opinion. He has protected the people in their persons and property. He has encouraged trade and industry, stimulated manufactures, and extended their commerce. He has given them a constitution which creates a legislative body, and guarantees many rights and privileges. But the people are not satisfied. They are denied liberty of speech and of the press on political questions. They are not allowed to assemble for the discussion of measures in which they are vitally interested. Their legislative body is so constructed and managed as to be a mere

registry of the will of the Emperor. The recent elections show the spirit of discontent and the existence of a powerful party who understand their rights and are determined to assert them, peacefully, if they can, and, as we have reason to believe, forcibly, if they must. The attentive observer and student of French history, is led to the conclusion that nothing can preserve the throne and dynasty of Napoleon III., but the concession of the popular rights and the establishment of freedom of speech and of the press, of the elections, and of the legislative body. The republican sentiment of France, though it has been unfortunate, and from time to time suppressed and apparently extinguished, is still vital, is growing in intelligence and power, and cannot be restrained, unless monarchy becomes so liberal and free as to confer the substantial benefit of a republic. We cannot doubt that Napoleon appreciates the situation, and is preparing to make such concessions as will keep the popular discontent this side of revolution.

The march of liberty in Germany is slow but steady. The great German family are struggling for unity and freedom. The institutions of Germany are becoming more liberal from year to year, and the condition of the people better and happier. The evil of large standing armies, annually withdrawing the young men from home and productive pursuits, is still endured, because Germany is surrounded by warlike and powerful enemies, clad in complete armor. But everywhere the tendency of the German mind is to the fullest liberty of thought, and to the recognition of the equal rights" of men.

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Austria, so long oppressed, reels and responds to the impulse of liberty. An intelligent Emperor, who has not shut his eyes to what is going on in the world around him, perceives that he cannot stem the powerful current everywhere setting in toward free institutions, and that the security of his throne depends upon his conceding to the people rights and privileges which have been denied them since Austria was an empire, and giving back to Hungary the enjoyment of her ancient constitution. The abolition of the Concordat, the establishment of religious freedom, the equal taxation of all classes, are among the hopeful beginnings of Austrian reform.

Italy, the ancient seat of the power and glory of the Roman Empire, land of history, philosophy, poetry, music, painting, sculpture, and romance, land of "starry climes and sunny skies," whose delicious climate, lofty mountains, and beautiful valleys and plains have ever excited the admiration of the traveller and poet, has

made great progress in unity and freedom. Suffrage nearly universal, the habeas corpus, freedom of religion and free schools are some of the principal features of Italian liberty.

The spirit of liberty is abroad in Russia-mighty empire of the North, whose government has represented the perfect idea of absolute despotism—an autocrat power, unrestrained by constitution or law. An enlightened Czar, animated by love for his people, and perceiving the individual happiness and material prosperity produced by free institutions, abolished slavery throughout his dominions, made the serfs freemen, and gave to them local free institutions, based upon the right of suffrage. It is true the imperial power still extends over all-a dark, impenetrable canopybut beneath its shadow there is individual liberty and local self-government. Thus far the prosperous result has established the wisdom of the Czar, and may we not believe that he has laid the foundation of a free government, to be developed into a grand republic in the far future?—and nearer, into a constitutional monarchy, with representative institutions? Liberty is like living seed; wherever planted it vivifies, expands, develops. Thus planted in Russia among the lowest people, and for local purposes, it will grow, develop, and finally conquer. Russia is among the progressive nations, and is our friend, and it was the American example which touched the heart and intellect of the Emperor.

The spirit of liberty in its onward march has invaded Spain, and is stirring the great national heart. We have lately seen the great Spanish people firmly, and almost peacefully and unanimously, depose a licentious queen and declare against her dynasty. We have seen this people meet in primary assemblies, and, by suffrage universal, elect a National Cortes which has for many months, in calm debate, considered and framed a new constitution, which, although not republican in its form, contains so much liberty, so much that is good and progressive in government, as to give the world high hope in the future of Spain. We have heard this national assembly declare that all sovereignty and power reside in the people, thus denying the divine rights of kings, and asserting the fundamental idea of free institutions. We have heard it pronounce the abolition of slavery. We have heard it pronounce the right of all men to worship God according to the dictates of their own consciences. Verily, these are great things and new times in old Spain. These are the germs of free institutions, and will, in the progress of years, grow into a republican government.

Cuba, the queen of the Antilles, richest gem in the Spanish crown, the most fertile of islands, rich beyond description in the fruits and productions of tropical climes, and from which the Spanish treasury has so long been supplied, is making a bold, vigorous, and, as we trust, a successful effort to throw off the Spanish yoke and establish her independence. The native Cubans, inspired by the spirit of liberty, have proclaimed liberty to the slaves, freedom of religious opinion, and that governments exist only by the consent of the governed. Cuba belongs to the American system, and the question of her fate is essentially American. We cannot be indifferent to the struggle, and trust and believe that our Governmont stands ready to acknowledge her independence at the earliest moment that will be justified by the laws and usages of nations. Though we cannot rightfully intervene between Spain and her colony which she has so long oppressed and impoverished, our sympathies are with the Cubans, and we cannot regret any aid they may receive which does not involve a breach of the international duty of our Government. While the grand revolution in Spain is proceeding so peacefully and successfully; while the Spanish people are asserting their liberties and fortifying them by constitutional bulwarks, it is to be deeply regretted that they are denying to Cuba what they claim for themselves.

The American Revolution was also an English revolution. The struggle for liberty here reacted upon England, has gone forward there continually, and is stronger to-day than ever. One reform has succeeded another. The basis of suffrage has been widened from time to time, and has always been followed by an extension of the rights, privileges, and prosperity of the people. The institutions of England have become more liberal, just, and beneficent as the right of suffrage has been extended, and a larger number of men admitted to a voice in the government. Recently we have seen a new extension of the franchise, followed almost immediately by a movement for the disestablishment of the Irish Church. The Irish Church establishment though professedly in the interests of Protestantism, is not sustained or justified by the Protestant world, and the Protestant masses of England are demanding its repeal. The disestablishment bill has passed the House of Commons, but the lords threaten to reject it, or destroy it by modifications. It may sacrifice itself, but it cannot thereby preserve the Irish establishment. The House of Lords is tolerated only upon the condition that it will ratify the action of the Commons, and will give its formal assent to all popular movements. It possesses no real political power, and

will not be permitted to obstruct the wishes of the people. Should it be rash enough to reject the disestablishment bill, it will at once inaugurate a movement for its own. reörganization, and the destruction of hereditary privileges. Such a movement cannot, perhaps, be long deferred anyhow. Another reform bill will soon be demanded, making suffrage universal, or nearly so, to be followed by the disestablishment of the English Church, the abolition of the laws of primogeniture, and the final destruction of the kingly office. The mass of the English people are substantially, though not professedly, republican in sentiment. They accept the great doctrine of human rights upon which our Government is founded; and, while they yet retain the throne and the House of Lords, any attempt on the part of either to exercise positive power, or resist the popular will, would be instantly met by threats of resistance, and, if not abandoned, by revolution. The throne and the Upper House remain much like the feudal castles that yet distinguish the English landscape, emblems of departed power, curious to the view, full of historic interest, but no longer dangerous to the peace of the surrounding country. English reforms, heretofore slow, are becoming more rapid, and the English people are marching with accelerated speed to a republican government. Universal suffrage and hereditary privilege cannot exist long together. They are essentially hostile elements. The progress of suffrage in England has been resisted at every step by the aristocratic classes; but, after many years of struggle, it has arrived at that point where its further progress cannot be long delayed. Úniversal suffrage lies at the very summit of the hill of Difficulty, the assent of which is rugged, slow and toilsome, but when achieved, the people will be masters of the situation. America is avenging herself upon England by gradually but surely overturning her aristocratic and hierarchic institutions by the force of her teachings and example. The principles of civil and religious liberty, crude and imperfect when first brought from England to America, having been refined, illustrated, and extended, we return them to the mother country for her adoption, laden with rich and glorious results. The spirit of American liberty is abroad in England. Her Brights, Gladstones, Forsters, and her whole host of liberal statesmen are proclaiming the doctrines of the Declaration of Independence, and verifying the saying of a celebrated Englishman, that the American Revolution guaranteed the free institutions of England. We may not live to see England a republic, but I believe our children will. The event can be predicted with as much certainty as any other in human affairs, and it is hastening on, perhaps fast enough when all things are considered.