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The annuities hill was committed for Monday.
YAVAL ASYLUM. The order of the day having been read for the house to go into a committee of a supply,on the motion that the estimates of the expe: ce relating to the naval asylum be referred to ' the said committee,
Sir Charles Pole objected to so lavish an abuse of the public inoney, and repeated his former objections to the alleged abuses prevalent in the direction of that institution.
Mr. Rose denied that any abuse whatever prevailed in the application of the money in this department; fifty thousand pounds was all voted as yet by parliament, and the estimate of the expences in the building, and other branches of the expenditure, had amounted to not less than eighty or ninety thousand pounds. The house then went into a committee of supply, and on the resolution for granting 25,00. I. to the naval asylum,
Sir Charles Pole renewed his objections to the appointments of auditor and surgeon, when neither of the persons filling those situations had had any previous connec: tion with the navy. He contended, bat such appointments were a seriou« discouragement to the navy.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer asked if the honour. able admiral would have the building pulled down, and the institution put a stop to, merely because the auditor happened to have two livings in Ireland, and the surgeon had not been brought up in the navy?
Mr. Rose was surprised that the honourable admiral could think two appointments to be such a vital objection to the institution.
Mr. Windham justified the objections of the worthy baronet.
Sir Charles Pole objected also to the appointment of a person to the controul of the naval asylum, who had never been in the 'navy. He should not be surprised if some captain of German cavalry was appointed head of the institution.
The grant was then agreed to, as were also the followVol. III.-1808.
To discharge the arrears of the debts of the
duchess of Gloucester Towards the buildings and repairs of the naval asylum at Greenwich
$5,000 Tou?rds crecting a nilitary college at Sandi burst, Surry
20,000 To Philip Marlin, Esq. lieutenant-general in
bis majesty's army, as a compensation to make good bis losses at Virginia, in America 20,000
The house having resumed, the report was ordered to be received on Monday. The house then went into a committee of ways and means, in which it was resolved that there should be imposed a countervailing duty on all spirits imported into Ireland from Sco land, at the follow
ing rates ; on corn spirits the coun'ervailing duty of .8s. 2 d. per gallon, on sugar spirithe duty of 8s. 5d. per gallon, and on all of her spirits the countervailing duty of 55. per gallon.
The paymaster general bill was read a second time and committed for to-morrow.
The six millions exclicquer loan bill was read a first time, and ordered to be read a second time to-morrow.
The sugar distillation bill was commiited for to-mor. Yow.
CARNATIC QUESTION. Sir Thomas Turton, in rising pursuant to his notice, felt it necessary to premise that, whatever might be his indi. Visual impression, it was not his intention, in consequence of his deference to the 'ecision of the house, to submit any re olution directly tending to criminate the character of then ble person, whese measures gave rise to the resolu. tions be bad to propose. But he considered it necessary, in vindication of the justice of this country, that that house should come to some resolution respecting the na. ture and circumstances of the transactions in the Carna. tic, and also declaratory of its intention to discou' tenance such proceedings hereafter. The honourable baronet therefore, reserving himself for that opportunity which would be afforded him by the indulgence of the house in reply, should then content hiinself with moving his two remaining resolutions, as follows:
That it appears to this house, that the person of the prince Ally Hussein, the righ'ful nabob of Arcot, wus committed to the custody of the sail Azeern ul Dhah, who had, through the undue exercise of the power of the company, usarped his boninions; and that the said prince Ally Hiigsein, notwithstan ling the frequent remonstrances and representations in de to the Bri ish góvernment, by himself and others, of the hinili iting and degrading state to which he and his family were reducid by such confineinent; notwithstanding his representations of the imminent danger to his lifi, which he anticipated from being placed in the power of his enemy and the usurper of his throne; was suffered to continje in such custo:ly, until the 6th of April, 1812, when he clied.
Thut policy, as well as justice, lou:lly deman:Is the vine dication of the cbaracter of Great Britain in India, from the reproach of the above transactions ; aid that the interests, if not the preserva ion, of our empire there, call for some public act, which will convince the native princes, that a religious adherence to its engagements will, in future, characterize the British governinent. Consistently with these sentiments, and at a time when ont implacable enemy attempts to justify his atrocities and despotism in Europe by the example of our con luci in India, it is peculiarly incumbent on the house, in the name of the people of England, to declare openly to he world, that the British parliament never did or will come tenance any act of oppression and injustice in its budin government. Anl, is evi lence of its sincerity, this house resolves forth witb to appoint a committee to inquire into the before mentioned act of the assumption of the Carnatic, the alleged motives thereof, and the particulars of the treatment of the family of our late ally, the nabob Mahomed Ally, and of the prince Ally Hussein, the law. ful successor to the musnud of the Carnatic ; and ibat it be an instruction to the said committee, to inquire into, and to report, whether any and what reparation can or ought to be made to the said family, for the injuries they
have sustained by the usurpation of the said Azeen ul - Dowlah; and that they may further report their opinion
by what means the British character can be mosť effecto ually rescued from the obloquy and odium incurred fron the above conduct of its servants, and how the Bri'ish interests in India may be best secured froin injury thereby
+ The first resolution reing read, the gallery was cleared, and a division took place : Ayes
23 On re-entering, we found
Sir Samuel Romilly on liis legs, stating, that although convinced of the culpability of marquis Wellesley, be did not impute to him corrupt motives or personal feel.. ings. He had acted in a manner be conceived to be forthe advantage of the East India company and the country; much was he mistaken in so conceiving. But the question was not upon the motives by which the noble marquis was actu.ed, but whether what he did was not prompted by a false arabition for the aggrandizement of his country; and, whether that ambition was not gratified by the violation of every principle of justice. What effcct would snch conciuct have on the British character ? It was said the good of the country was promoted. It was for the house to decide on this; the materials were before them; every paper was produced; they were masters of the subject, and it was for them to determine whether they should or should not make these actions their own, and sanction a policy, as it appeared to bim, so far from wisdom or justice. This was a serious and important concern for the British character, and he was grieved to witness such a division as had just taken place. Of late years many wicked and evil designing men badi by their writings and actions endeavoured to bring the parliament of the country into contempt. They had falsely and maliciously attempted to bring disgrace on the legislature of the empire ; but he would seriously ask, whether all such persons could do, or any species of malice or abuse, hail one thousandth part of the effect of: such a circumstance as this going out on a question which involved the national character in the nearest degree for policy, justice, and humanity, with only six or eight members more iban was absolutely requisite to decide on the most unimportant business, This was not a sound for the moment, it was not a transaction to be speedily forgotten. The papers now before them would be read and considered by future ages. It was aot the character of the governor.general of India alone, it was the cbarage
ter of the British nation which would be recorded and commented on by the historian. From his pen it would appear to future times, that after the lapse of years, the affairs of the Carnatic were brought before the British parliament; that every paper and species of information was in their view ; that the subject bad been frequently and amply discussed; and that even such was the notoriety of the circumstances, that not a single member could be excused for not being perfectly conversant with them.“ It would then be seen that they had not the manliness to aslopt and applaud those measures, but that they endeavoured to get rid of a decision upon them by miserable previous questions, and other unworthy expedients. It' would be seen that the very 'confidential ministers of the crown had never delivered their opinions on these vast objects of policy and justice, and those who read the storý would wonder what subject could possibly be of sufficient importance for them to speak upon. They would be in amaze, and utterly at a loss to divine how they came repeatedly to vote with willing majorities on so grand a question, without ever having the condescension to express their sentiments, or offer their reasons for so determining. When he entered the house he had no designof being the first to bring on this discussion, and was astonished to see that such a task fell on him by the mode in which the question (on sir Thomas Turton's last resolution) was on the point of being disposed of. Thus sia tuated he might, perhaps, be guilty of some repetitions. He would not, however, repeat the subsisting treaties between the nabob of the Carnatic and the East India com.. pany, or debate the question whether he was a sovereign prince or a vassal of the company. In one respect, at least, he was independant: he was put in the situation of a-sovereign prince by the treaty negotiated with him by the company. Even after the pretended records of his treachery were discovered, he was not used as a rebel who had thrown off his allegiance, but, as an independant prince, required to enter into a new treaty. The honour. able gentleman then went into a detail of the papers found at Seringapatam, and read extracts from the letter from marquis: Wellesley to lord Clive, on the occasion of appointing an inquiry thereupon, to shew that a resolution was formed, whatever might be the result of that inquiry, to seize the civil and military government of the Carnatic.