The annuities bill was committed for Monday. NAVAL ASYLUM. The order of the day having been read for the house to go into a committee of a supply,on the motion that the estimates of the expence relating to the naval asylum be referred to the said committee, Sir Charles Pole objected to so lavish an abuse of the public money, and repeated his former objections to the alleged abuses prevalent in the direction of that institu tion. Mr. Rose denied that any abuse whatever prevailed in the application of the money in this department; fifty thousand pounds was all voted as yet by parliament, and the estimate of the expences in the building, and other branches of the expenditure, had amounted to not less than eighty or ninety thousand pounds. The house then went into a committee of supply, and on the resolution for granting 25,00 7. to the naval asylum, Sir Charles Pole renewed his objections to the appointments of auditor and surgeon, when neither of the persons filling those situations had had any previous connec⚫ tion with the navy. He contended, that such appointments were a serious discouragement to the navy. The Chancellor of the Exchequer asked if the honour able admiral would have the building pulled down, and the institution put a stop to, merely because the auditor happened to have two livings in Ireland, and the surgeon had not been brought up in the navy? Mr. Rose was surprised that the honourable admiral could think two appointments to be such a vital objection to the institution. Mr. Windham justified the objections of the worthy baronet. Sir Charles Pole objected also to the appointment of a person to the controul of the naval asylum, who had never been in the navy. He should not be surprised if some captain of German cavalry was appointed head of the institution. The grant was then agreed to, as were also the following: 4 VOL. III.-1808. 3.P To discharge the arrears of the debts of the duchess of Gloucester Towards the buildings and repairs of the naval asylum at Greenwich Towards erecting a military college at Sand7 burst, Surry € 495 $5,000 20,000 20,000 To Philip Martin, Esq. lieutenant-general in his majesty's army, as a compensation to make good his losses at Virginia, in America The house having resumed. the report was ordered to be received on Monday. The house then went into a committee of ways and means, in which it was resolved that there should be imposed a countervailing duty on all spirits imported into Ireland from Sco land, at the following rates; on corn spirits the coun'ervailing duty of Bs 24d. per gallon, on sugar spirit he duty of 8s. 5d. per gallon, and on all other spirits the countervailing duty of 5s. per gallon. The paymaster general bill was read a second time and committed for to-morrow. The six millions exchequer loan bill was read a first time, and ordered to be read a second time to-morrow. The sugar distillation bill was committed for to-mor FOW. CARNATIC QUESTION. Sir Thomas Turton, in rising pursuant to his notice, felt -it necessary to premise that, whatever might be his indi vidual impression, it was not his intention, in consequence of his deference to the decision of the house, to submit any resolution directly tending to criminate the character of then ble person, whose measures gave rise to the resolu tions he had to propose. But he considered it necessary, in vindication of the justice of this country, that that house should come to some resolution respecting the nature and circumstances of the transactions in the Carna❤ tic, and also declaratory of its intention to discountenance such proceedings hereafter. The honourable baronet therefore, reserving himself for that opportunity which would be afforded him by the indulgence of the house in reply, should then content himself with moving his twą remaining resolutions, as follows: That it appears to this house, that the person of the prince Ally Hussein, the rightful nabob of Arcot, was committed to the custody of the said Azeem ul Dowlah, who had, through the undue exercise of the power of the company, usurped his dominions; and that the said prince Ally Hussein, notwithstan ling the frequent re monstrances and representations made to the Bri ish government, by himself and others, of the humiliating and degrading state to which he and his family were reduced by such confinement; notwithstanding his representations of the imminent danger to his life, which he anticipated from being placed in the power of his enemy and the usurper of his throne; was suffered to continue in such custody, until the 6th of April, 1802, when he died. That policy, as well as justice, loudly demands the vin dication of the character of Great Britain in India, from the reproach of the above transactions; and that the interests, if not the preservation, of our empire there, call for some public act, which will convince the native princes, that a religious adherence to its engagements will, in future, characterize the British government. Cons sistently with these sentiments, and at a time when our implacable enemy attempts to justify his atrocities and despotism in Europe by the example of our con luct in India, it is peculiarly incumbent on the house, in the name of the people of England, to declare openly to he world, that the British parliament never did or will coun tenance any act of oppression and injustice in its Indian government. And, as evidence of its sincerity, this house resolves forthwith to appoint a committee to inquire into the before-mentioned act of the assumption of the Carnatic, the alleged motives thereof, and the particulars of the treatment of the family of our late ally, the nabob Mahomed Ally, and of the prince Ally Hussein, the lawful successor to the musnud of the Carnatic; and that it be an instruction to the said committee, to inquire into, and to report, whether any and what reparation can or ought to be made to the said family, for the injuries they have sustained by the usurpation of the said Azeen al Dowlah; and that they may further report their opinion by what means the British character can be most effectually rescued from the obloquy and odium incurred from the above conduct of its servants, and how the British interests in India may be best secured from injury thereby. The first resolution reing read, the gallery was cleared, and a division took place: [ Sir Samuel Romilly on his legs, stating, that although convinced of the culpability of marquis Wellesley, be did not impute to him corrupt motives or personal feelings. He had acted in a manner be conceived to be for the advantage of the East India company and the country; much was he mistaken in so conceiving. But the question was not upon the motives by which the noble marquis was actu'ed, but whether what he did was not prompted by a false ambition for the aggrandizement of his country; and, whether that ambition was not gratified by the violation of every principle of justice. What effect would such conduct have on the British character?It was said the good of the country was promoted. It was for the house to decide on this; the materials were before them; every paper was produced; they were masters of the subject, and it was for them to determine whether they should or should not make these actions their own, and sanction a policy, as it appeared to him,... so far from wisdom or justice. This was a serious and important concern for the British character, and he was grieved to witness such a division as had just taken place. Of late years many wicked and evil designing men had by their writings and actions endeavoured to bring the parliament of the country into contempt. They had falsely and maliciously attempted to bring disgrace on the legislature of the empire; but he would seriously ask, whether all such persons could do, or any species of malice or abuse, had one thousandth part of the effect of: such a circumstance as this going out on a question which involved the national character in the nearest degree for policy, justice, and humanity, with only six or eight members more than was absolutely requisite to decide on the most unimportant business, This was not a sound for the moment, it was not a transaction to be speedily forgotten. The papers now before them would be read and considered by future ages. It was not the character of the governor-general of India alone, it was the charac ter of the British nation which would be recorded and commented on by the historian. From his pen it would appear to future times, that after the lapse of years, the affairs of the Carnatic were brought before the British parliament; that every paper and species of information was in their view; that the subject had been frequently and amply discussed; and that even such was the notoriety of the circumstances, that not a single member could be excused for not being perfectly conversant with them." It would then be seen that they had not the manliness to adopt and applaud those measures, but that they endea voured to get rid of a decision upon them by miserable' previous questions, and other unworthy expedients. It would be seen that the very confidential ministers of the crown had never delivered their opinions on these vast objects of policy and justice, and those who read the story? would wonder what subject could possibly be of sufficient importance for them to speak upon. They would be in' amaze, and utterly at a loss to divine how they came repeatedly to vote with willing majorities on so grand a question, without ever having the condescension to express their sentiments, or offer their reasons for so deter-mining. When he entered the house he had no designof being the first to bring on this discussion, and was astonished to see that such a task fell on him by the mode in which the question (on sir Thomas Turton's last resolution) was on the point of being disposed of. Thus situated he might, perhaps, be guilty of some repetitions. He would not, however, repeat the subsisting treaties between the nabob of the Carnatic and the East India company, or debate the question whether he was a sovereign prince or a vassal of the company. In one respect, at least, he was independant: he was put in the situation of a sovereign prince by the treaty negotiated with him by the company. Even after the pretended records of his treachery were discovered, he was not used as a rebel who had thrown off his allegiance, but, as an independant prince, required to enter into a new treaty. The honourable gentleman then went into a detail of the papers found at Seringa patam, and read extracts from the letter from marquis Wellesley to lord Clive, on the occasion of appointing an inquiry thereupon, to shew that a resolution was formed, whatever might be the result of that inquiry, to seize the civil and military government of the Carnatic. |