ther place, instead of being kept constantly in the power of the usurper, who had only to commit one act to finish. his crimes. This proved prophetical; for the prince not long after died of a dysentery. He would not take upon him absolutely to affirm, that there was something unfair in this transaction, but he would say, that he believed there was. In these transactions he could discern nothing of the British character. The moment they passed the Cape, he believed, with Mr. Burke, that they unbaptized themselves; and that when they landed in India, they became something like the Upas tree, described by a Swedish traveller, that blasted and destroyed every thing that came within the reach of its pernicious influence. The honourable baronet then entered upon the examination of the alleged treacherous correspondence of WalJahjah and Omdut ul Omrah, with Hyder and Tippoo, and contended that there was nothing in it that could be considered as sufficient evidence of the charge. He several times asked the honourable baronet opposite (sir John Anstruther), whether he would admit such evidence in his court in India?

Sir John Anstruther rose to order. He asked, whether it was in order to make perpetual allusions to him, whose opinion on the subject had not as yet been given?

Sir Thomas Turton observed, that he had merely asked what would have been his practice in his court in India.

Sir John Anstruther said that this was not exactly the question when he rose to order, but if it had, it was not in order to be perpetually asking his opinion upon points

of law.

The Speaker observed, that he had never understood it to be disorderly to put questions in argument, and that nothing was more common in the debates of that house than such questions.

Sir Thomas Turton then proceeded. The eighth letter was merely a translation of a copy, and he asked if any lawyer would admit this as evidence. The ninth was from Tippoo to Omdut ul Omrah, in which the latter was stiled nabob of the Carnatic, though the letter was dated 1792, and Omdut ul Omrah had not ascended the musnud till 1796, from which it would appear that the document was a forgery. The honourable baronet went through áll. the twenty-three letters, commenting upon each separately, and contending that as they were

merely representations of third parties of what they had heard, they were totally inadmissible às evidences of the guilt of Wallahjah. But, even admitting that they could be received as evidence, he asserted that no honest man could lay his hand upon bis heart and say, that they contained any indication of hostile intention on the part of that prince, or of Omdat ul Omrah, much less evidence sufficient to justify the deposition of a sovereign, and the usurpation of his dominions. Upon the parole evidence he observed, that it was given by the creatures of Tippoo, and the immediate dependants of the company, whom they alternately cajoled and threatened into giving such an account of the correspondence as it was the wish and interest of the British government, at the time, should bẻ given. But neither by promises nor threats could they attain their object of making good their accusation, for the witnesses (and it was material to observe that they were their own witnesses), not being at liberty to state the truth as it really was, involved themselves in inconsistencies which they could not explain. The baseness and meanness of tampering in the manner they did with their witnesses, he declared to be more repulsive and disgusting than the commission of the crime itself. There was not a crime in this country on which such evidence would be tole rated, and yet it was upon this evidence that a prince was stript of his crown and his territory. But even supposing that Wallahjah, or Omdut ul Omrah, had been guilty of the alleged offences, what ground did his actions afford for the punishment of the son of the latter, and the grandson of the former? He put it to the house what effect such conduct would have, were any minister wicked or daring enough to attempt to practise it in this country? And was not justice the same all over the world, or had we, one set of principles for India and another for England? With a view to the interests of the country, he maintained, that the extension of our Indian territory tended only to entail an immense load of debt upon the country. But this was but a secondary consideration, when compared with the iniquitous spoliation of an independant sovereign. Before sitting down, he conjured the house by the national honour and faith, of which it was the guardian; he conjured his majesty's ministers in the name of the national character, of which they were the protect. ors; he conjured every man in the name of that eternal

justice which was the foundation of our happiness here and hereafter, to consider the importance of the vote, which he was to give this evening. He was confident that it was essential to the security of our Indian empire to declare that the British legislature never would sanction any unjust or tyrannical act. He concluded with moving a se ries of resolutions, containing a recital of facts relative to the assumption of the Carnatic, reprobating the deposition of the nabob, and declaring that the British parliament will never countenance an act of injustice and oppression in India; and stating the propriety of appointing a commitice to inquire into the best means of indemnifying the family of Mabomed Aly, and of ensuring the safety of our Indian possessions.

Mr. Wallace expressed his surprise, that the present motion was not brought forward till after the papers had been six years before the house, and printed and reprinted in three successive parliaments. The honourable baronet, it was true, had not had a seat in the house for a long time; but if there were any gentlemen in the house who had not such an apology to plead, and who were disposed to support the motion on this evening, it was incumbent upon them to give some reasons why they had remained so long insensible to a question involving the character and honour of the country. He panegyrized gene rally the system of lord Wellesley's administration, as tending to extinguish the hopes of avarice, and to disarm the hand of rapine. The subject now before the house resolved itself in'o three parts; our rights of interference in the affairs of the Carnatic; secondly, the duties connected with those rights; and lastly, the circumstances under which those rights were exercised. Mahomed Aly was indebted to us for every thing he had, as it was in. consequence of the success of the British arms, that he was raised from the dust to a throne. But without entering into a detailed examination of all the particulars of our connection with this prince, he proceeded directly to consider the treaty of 1787, which was revived in 1792, in consequence of which revival we got additional security for the regular payment of the subsidies, and the nabob was more strictly precluded than before from all correspondence with foreign powers. Scarcely, however, was this treaty sigued, when it was violated by his entering into a correspondence with Tippoo Saib, the sworn enemy

of the British name and interests. This allegation, he contended, was proved by the papers on the table; though not in such a way as would be necessary in a court of justice, yet as clear as most facts upon which national proceedings were grounded. The authenticity of the papers, he apprehended, would not be called in questionTM; and admitting their authenticity, they completely demonstrated the existence of a secret correspondence between Tippoo Saib and the nabob of the Carnatic. The first observation which this fact suggested was,, that any correspondence of this nature was contrary to the existing treaty, and the second observation was, that the mere existence of the correspondence warranted an inference of its being unfavourable to the British interests. A question therefore-arose, whether this inference was contradicted by the papers themselves. Here Mr. Wallace entered at length into an analysis of the papers, for the purpose of shewing the inference that he had just s'ated, to be well founded. The honourable gentleman then proceeded to comment on the letters of the nabob, which he contended might have been productive of the worst consequences, and was of opinion that the principles of our conduct in the present instance, were calculated to secure, extend, and strengthen, our interests in the Carnatic. He concluded a speech of considerable length, after having passed an eulogium on the adininistration of lord Wellesley, by moving the previous question.

Lord Archibald Hamilton was of a different opinion from the honourable gentleman who had just sat down." He thought nothing but the most cogent and satisfactory reasons could justify the proceedings towards the nabob; and as yet nothing but reasons the most frivolous and inconclusive had been produced. He should resist the amendment, and support the resolutions.

Colonel Aalln observed, that having, on a former night, ventured to state his opinion upon a question of a nature similar to that which was now brought before the house, he should not discharge his duty with satisfaction to his own mind were he to remain silent upon a motion that related to transactions which took place in the Carnatic, where he had resided for an uninterrupted period of twenty years. Having also held a confidential situation under his noble friend lord Buckinghamshire, during the whole of his administration in India, he had opportuni

ties of knowing many of the facts which were stated in the papers before the house. As the nabob of Arcot had never wanted advocates (as the house had witnessed even that night) to assert that he was an independant sovereign, and as many honourable members might not have had leisure or inclination to peruse the papers laid before parliament upon this subject, he wished shortly to draw the attention of the house to the origin of our connection with Mahomed Ally, and to the foundation of his pretensions as nabob of Arcot, in order that a correct idea might be formed of the title and privileges which he actually possessed. He thought he could shew, that it was during the contest between the English and the French, who had gained great influence in the Decan, and aimed at the exclusive possession of the Carnatic, that Mahomed Ally' first introduced himself to our notice, not as the acknowledged nabob of Arcot, but as the competitor of Chunda Saib, whose pretensions were supported by the French. He thought he could shew, that in that war which terminated in leaving the English masters of the Carnatic, so little did Mahomed Ally or we think of conquering merely for him, that the British colours were regularly hoisted in the forts which surrendered to our arms; that we obtained from the mogul the sanction of his authority under a commission to Mahomed Ally, as nabob of Arcot; that that office was one of deputation and dependance, of a military nature, and quite distinct from the administration of the revenues, which belonged to the office of dewan; and that, through British influence, those two offices were united in the person of Mahomed Ally under the express condition, that the management of the revenues should revert to the company, in the event of his being guilty of any secret practices, or of any failure in his pecuniary engagements. But he thought he should best consult the wishes of the house, and certainly his own inclination, by abstaining from those details; and he should, therefore, content himself by observing, that the nature of our connection with the nabob of Arcot would be found accurately described by lord Macartney, in a letter from the government of Madras to that of Bengal, dated in May, 1783; in which letter, speaking of this independant sovereign, his lordship observed, that "he was no more reckoned than the nabob of Oude among the native powers of Hindostan; they were both Europeans in connection and de-'