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if this statement was not an additional argument for con• , cluding the peasantry to be still more exposed to the predominating influence of their priests? He was aware that persecution never made proselytes; but certainly the rea formed church had prior claims on ou consideration, and it beloved us that their clergy should be always so supported as to command the respect of the catholic peasantry, He had listened with much attention to the offer that had been made, of giving the king a negative in the election of a Roman-catholic bishop; but in fact, however it might sound, it was nothing. Three persons were selected by the bishops; and to whichever of them the king made no objection, he was to be appointed. This in itself was nothing; and if it was much, it bore not at all upon the great principk's of the present question. Dr. Milner had no doubt the best intentions in making the propositions ; but not withstanding the arguments with which they were supported by a distinguished member of the other house, still he was of opinion, that the propositions did not touch upon the great and weighty objections. As he valued the principles of the glorious Revolution, as he valued the cause that placed the louse of Brunswick on the throne, and as he wished to perpetuate those principles, and sustain that cause, he should vote against going into the committee.

The Earl of Moira said, that he could not let a moment pass, as soon as he had caught the attention of their lord.' ships, until he had met and combated the opinion of the noble viscount in the outset of his speech, where he had taken upon him to assert, that there was in the petition, or in the manner or the time of its being presented, any thing that could justify.a suspicion of the loyalty or public spirit of the catholics of Ireland. They had come forward in no underhand way, nor bad they pressed their claims in any intemperate language. They had, in the most respectful manner, submitted to this house a manly statement of the grievances they laboured under, and asked to be relieved from such. What then his noble friend could bave seen in that petition, or the circumstances of it, that could have warranted such an imputation, he was totally at a loss to conceive. The noble viscount had further objected, that the prayer of the petition was circumseribed, änd related only to few and partial exemptions. He was of a very different opinion, He could not be brought to think, that he disabilities under which the catholics at present laboured, were either few in number, or partial in operation. But the noble viscount was apprehensive, that if even the present claims of the oatholics were acceded to, they would not stop bere. While that body was excluded troin the participation of any of the rights and privileges of a British subject, he not only thought that they would not stop there, but that they ought not. The noble viscount had extolled the constitution, and was it unnatural that those who were so long witnessing its benefits should beanxious to share in it? Was it not an ambition natural to the mind of every Briton? and while the noble viscount poured out such eulogiums on the glorious Revolu'ion, how could he consider it a slight and partial evil to be deprived of all the blessings of which it was the cause? But it was contended, that the prayer, if complied with, teniled neces. 1

to the subversion of the constitution; and this dan. ger was to be illustrated by a most extravagant supposition of a case barely possible and most improbable, the appointment of a catholic to the office of chancellor. Why, it was certainly true, that the king might, if he pleased, appoint his groom to be liis chancellor; but this he imagined, that the royal discretion would be as effectual a preventive against such an appointment as any law of parliament could be. In the same way no man could reasonably apprehend such an appointment. He was as much attached to the church as any noble lord, and he did think, with his noble friend who spoke last, that the cburch was so rooted in the state, that it was im. possible to affect the one without injuring the other ; but with respect to the penal code, he could not agrec with bis noble friend, that the principles which gave rise to that code were the result of religious differences. He had always looked upon them rather as the effect of political precaution. He severely deprecated the language of his noble friend, which, though not intended to be so, might be attended with noischievous effects. The present was not a time to alienate the hearts or damp the spirits of four millions of people willing to share our danger and our fate, and ouły wishing in return to share the common privileges of Britons. The crisis had been represented as an awful one: it was truly so, perhaps not to be parallelled in the history of the civilized world; and in the prevalent

indifference, the smoothness of our passage, he feareil, was owing to the rapidity of our descent; and at the first fatal

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shock our fears would be lost in our despair. Therefore
he thought we should ronse, awaken from our lethargy,
and apply the remedy before it was too late. An hour
should not be lost in acceding to the just, equitable, and
unanswerable claims of our catholic brethren.
objected to him, why, such being his sentiments, did he,
upon a former occasion, express his regret that the pe-
tition had been at the present period introduced ; he was
ready to answer, that his regret then arose not from any
disapprobation of the time of presenting the petition, or
still less of the prayer of that petition, but because
he thought that at the pre-ent period there was not
oly no hope, but on the other hand, a certainty, that
their claims would be rejected: and his regret arose from
bis dread of the exasperation produced by such rejection;
for it was not in the nature of men to be disappointed,
and not manfully to feel that disappointment. At the same
time he was satisfied, that if the catholics had seen in his
majesty's present government any wish to accommodate,
any disposition to conciliate them, they would have wait-
ed more patiently; but from the ill-judged policy that had
so recently been evinced towards that body, they were
compelled to appeal 10 the constitutional organ for a legi.
timate object. In the late government, of which he had
been an bumble member, they had brought in a bill
which, if its object had been si'erally translated into its
title, might have been called a bill to prevent 100,000
men of his majesty's subjects from joining the French.
This bill certainly was not meant to embrace any of the
great objects had in view by the catholics : it was rather
meant as a peace-offering, as a forerunner of better times;
and might be said to have been sent forth as the dove
with the olive-branch, to tell the persecuted catholics
that the waters had subsided, and that the rising day
would son restore her original beauties to the face of Na-
ture. He was grieved to find that such had been the po.
licy of the present government; noilring to allay, sooth,
or reconcil, but every thing to incite and exasperate. Why
was this? At any time, such conduct would have been
imp li ic; but, at the present crisis, it was such a union
of folly aıd nadness as never had been equalled. When
the owers of Europe were wielded against us by one
man, the most formidable, and at the same time the
most inveterate foe England ever had to cope witb, was it

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immaterial in such a contest, whether the people of Ireland were fired with all their native ardour in our cause, or sunk by our injustice into a listless dejection and a coldblooded neutrality? With what face could the noble visconnt ask the Irish catholic to brave every danger, to expose himself to the hazards of battle, for the mere purpose of securing to the Englishman what he refuses to share with him? The noble viscount could not make so selfish a proposal, and if he did, it would be met with merited indignation. He concluded with conjuring the house to think well of the fair and just claim that was made

upon their justice, and to answer it in that manner that best became their character and the interests of the empire. Bishop of Norwich. I rise, for the first time in

my life, to address your lordships, and I rise with unaffected reluctance ; not because I entertain the smallest doubt respecting either theexpedienyy, the policy, or the justice, of the measure under cosideration, but because, to a person in my situation, it must be exceedingly painful (however firmly persuaded he may be in his own mind) to find himself impelled, by a sense of duty, to maintain an opinion, directly the reverse of which is supported by so many wise and good men, who belong to the same profes sion, and who sit upon the same bench with him. Important occasions, however, sometimes arise, on which an individual may be called upon to avow his own sentiments, explicitly and unequivocally, without any undue deference to the judgment of others. Such an occasion I conceive the present to be, and shall without further apology trouble your lordships with a few remarks. I have considered, with all the care and atiention of which I am capable, the various arquments which are urged against the perition in favour of the catholics of Ireland, which lias, this day, for the second tine, been presented and supported by the noble baron on the other side of the house, with his usual abilities, and at the same time with that well known regard for the real interest of the established church, for its 'peace, its security, its honour, and its prosperity, which forins, and has always formed, so distisguished a part in the character of that noble lord. These objections, my lords, numerous a's they are said to be, may all of them I think be reduced under four leads. In the first place, it is asserted, or rather strongly insi

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ngated, that the religious tenets of the catholics are of such a nature, as, per se, to exclude those who hold them from ihe civil and military situations to which they aspire. It is next said, that if this were not the case, these situations are matlers of favour, not of right, and therefore the ca. tholics have no just cause to complain that they are ex. cluded from them. In the third place, we are told, that if it were admitted that the measure was, abstractedly considered, just and right, it would be highly inexpedient to repcal statutes which were passed with much deliberation, and are considered by inany as the bulwarks of the constitution in church and state. And, lastly, there are some who contend, that if there were no other objection, the words of the coronation oath present an insuperable bar to the claims of the catbolics. I shall not detain your lordships long in the examination of these oh. jections, because they bave been repeatedly discussed, and, as it appears to me, very satisfactorily refuted, by far abler men, both in this house and out of it. With respect to the religious tenets of the catholics of the present day, it is not a little singular, my lords, that we will not allow them to know what their own religious tenets really are. We call upon them for their creed, upon some very important points, and they give it us without reserve; but, instead of believing wbat they say, we refer them, with an air of controversial triumph, to the councils of Constance or Thoulouse, to the fourth Lateran council, or to the council of Trent. In vain they most explicitly and most solemnly aver, that they hold no tenet whatsoever, incompatible with their duties either as men or as subjects, or in any other way hurtful to the government under which they live. In vain they publish declaration upon declaration, in all of which they most unequivocally disavow thosc bighly exceptionable tenets which are imputed to them, and not only do they disa vow, but they express their abborrence of them. In vain they confirm these declarations by an oath ; an oath, my lords, framed by ourselves, drawn with all possible care and caution, and couched in terms as strong as language affords. .. In addition to these ample securities for the principles and praciice of this numerous and loyal class of our fellow-subjects and fellow-christians, a great statesman, now unhappily no more, caused to be transmitted a string of very important queries to the principal catholic yniyersities abroad,

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