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his intention to postpone his motion respecting the Dardanelles, which stood for that evening; as he (lord Bin. ning) should be compelled to postpone'the further consi, deration of the distillery business to Monday, in case the bonourable gentleman should press his niotion for that evening.

Mr. Taylor replied, that whatever rumour might bave prevailed, it was wholly unauthorized by him, as it was his intention to prosecute then the motion of which lve had so long given notice, and which he had been so often induced to postpone.

Lord Binning then expressed his intention of postponing the business which had occupied the house last night, till Monday next.

Mr. Ponsonby objected to that arrangement, and complained of the very unsettled mode in which the business was conducted ; so much so, that gentlemen were not certain of what would or would not come before the house, till they were some time present, and generally not until after a formal debate and division decided what was to come on. He more especially objected to Monday, as there was another business of importance fixed for that day: besides, it had been generally upderstood that there would be no delay in the further consideration of what occupied the attention of the house last night, and what still engrossed the undivided interest of the public.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer could not see what ground the right honourable gentleman bad of complaint. The distillery question was acknowledged upon all sides to be of the last importance, and there should be as little delay as possible in deciding upon it. If the honourable member (Mr. Taylor) persisted in luis motion, that ques. tion could not come on to-night, and Monday was the next earliest opportunity of bringing it before the house.

Mr. Taylor persisting in pressing his motion for this night, it was then understood that ihe distillery business should come on on Monday next.

Mr. Claudius Beresford observed, that delay would be mischievous, not only from the inconvenience it might occasion, but from the speculations that would be entered into, owing to the smallness of the majority Sir John Newport agreed in this. Mr. Barham thought unnecesary delay highly improper, but the delay til Monday he considered as extremely fortunate, for he imagined it would be physically impossible for those who had ata tended till five o'clock in the morning, could that night go again into the whole of the matter. It was fixed, that the subject should again come under discussion on Monday.


Mr. Taylor rose to move his promised resolutions rea specting the expedition to the Dardanelles, but from the manner in wbich his speech was delivered, it was impossible, with the utmost attention, to catch more of it than suffices for a mere summary. He began by observing, 'that from the public notice which this expedition, with all the circumstances connected with it, had excited, it was necessary that some inquiry should be instituted concerning it, a thing equally due to those who had ordered it, and those to whom the execution had been entrusted. He stated, that before having seen these papers, he was rather irclined to think favourably at least of the object of the expedition ; but he was now of opinion that it was founded neither in justice nor policy. In order to prove the injustice of the expedition, he entered upon the con. sideration of the nature of the connection between this country and the Porte, and said, that the only ground we had for interference, was, the treaties of 1798, between Russia, England, and the Porte, the obligation of which treaties had become void by the peace of Amiens, after which any right we or the Russians had to sail in the Turkishi seas ceased. The Russians had only acquired a right to pass from the Black Sea in single shijs, for the pirpose of throwing supplies into the Ionian republic, which right was to be at an end when that republic should be settled ; and it did end when the whole fell into the power of Buona parte;

and he contended, that our negotiations to reconcile the Porte and Russia, ought to be carried on at Petersburg, rather than at Constantinople, the Russians having been the aggressors. The honourable gentleman then proceeded to consider the policy of the expedition, and maintained that it was extremely unwise for any trifling object to alicnate from us the minds of the Turks, who had been extremely well disposed to, us. In order to prove that this was the case, he read a variety

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of documents, proving the favourable disposition of the Turks, Jamalukes, and Arabs, in Egypt, and throughout the Ottoman empire; observing at the same time, that the persons at the head of the Turkish government were no less favourably disposed towards us than the peo. ple. He also found fanli with the way in which the orders for the execution of this enterprize had been arranged. By passing the Dardanelles, which we had no right to do, we had commenced hostilia's before negotias tion. The ambassador had been unwisely irusted with 100 mucb discretionary power. The attack on the Turkish ships was an useless object; the number of ships was not equal to the enterprize ; and lord Collingwool ought to have been allowed to choose any oficer he pleased, to conduct the expedition. With respect to the expe. dition to Alexandria, he had not been able to see its object and policy, and it had been sò mismanaged as to bring dishonour upon the British arms. le cone cluded by moving a resolution, that his majesty's fleet under sir Jolin Duckworth had appeared before Constan, tinople on the 20th of Febrnary, 1807, and continued there for ten days without doing any thing; and that it was the opinion of the house, that arrangements bad not been made by the thien ministry adequate to the occasion.

Mr. Grenville expressed his satisfaction, that after the many delays which had taken place, the accusationg against the hte ministers had at length been made in a manner that rendered them tanxible, and enabled those to whom the resolution applied, to meet and answer the charges against them. He was so far fron complaining of inquiries of this mature, that he thought it one of the most valuable parts of the constitution, that those who bad beeu entrostel with important offices should be cailed upon to give an account of their conduct in the charge that had been committed to them. lie was not only gea nerally well satisfied that this power of inquiry should exist, and be exercise, bit bolli he and his colleague's were gratified that this inquiry had been ins'ituted, from the conviction that they would be able to give such a 83tisfactory account of their conduct its would root out any undue impressions that might have been created, and set at rest the insinuations and unfounded accusations that VOL. II.---1509.


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had occasioned them. As far as he understood those members of the present government who had at all spoken respecting this inquiry, they disclaimed all participation in its institution ; but when proposed they assented to it, and agreed to produce the papers. In doing so, he thought they pursued a right and judicious course. If he had to complain of them at all, it was because their conduct had not been so consistent in this respect as it ought to have been. For though they did not insti. tate ihe inquiry, they had made insinuations and brought forward argunients on collateral subjects, which it was impossible, in such a situation, to combat. When persons in high situations make insinnations of this nature, an impression must unavoidably be produced; because those against whom they are directed are precluded, at the moment, from giving the proper answer. He alluded particularly to the hasty and ungoverned language that had been sometimes used, with a view, perhaps, to procure a momentary advantage in debate: he could not ascribe it to deliberate intention, for he could not do so without supposing motives for it to exist, which it was not in his nature or disposition to impute to the gentlemen opposite; and which, if he could conceive to exist, he could not describe in terms that would be suited to the asage of the house. But was it decent in the secretary of state, who ought to have been better informed, to say, that a requisition had been made at Petersburg for a di version in the south of Europe, both by troops and ships, and that only one of these bad been sent ? Though this had been thrown out in the hurry of debate, and for the sake of a momentary impression, he must have been convinced in his cooler moments, that this was not the fact. He had no occhsion for argument to prove this, for no one could read the papers without seeing clearly that the expedition had nothing to do with any requisition at Pea tersburg, but that it arose out of the negotiations of Mr. Arbuthnot at Constantinople.

Having stated thus much generally, he would follow the honourable gentleman as well as he could in the topics which he had touched upon; though he should find it difficult to go so far as under some circumstances he would have thought right; for without any disrespect to him, he doubled whether his arguments were likely to operate on any great character in the house : and til he

saw that any other man adopted his line of argument, he should not think it necessary to enter into the discussion 50 minutely as he otherwise would do, and he founded this on the papers now before the house. Though the honourable gentleman lad said, that until the papers were produced, he had been disposed to consuler the expedition as a just one; yet it ought not to be forgotten, that when the subject had been first broached, he had been obliged to complain of the terms of violence and reproach that had been used when the inquiry was only beginning. The honourable gentleman, however, it apo peared, was inclined to alter his opinion upon perusing the papers ; and yet he should have thought it impossible that any one could read them, and say that either the right or the policy to interfere was questionable. The honourable member said, tlıat the only right to interfere was founded on the triple alliance of the 5th of January, 1799. He considered that as the origin and foundation of the connection between the Porte and Great Britain ; without ad verting to the fact, that the treaty in question respected a long course of negotiation for peace and alliance between Great Britain, the Porte, and Russia. With this object in view, the peace of Jassy had been concluded between Russia a:d the Porte under the influence of Great Britain. He would not fatigue the house in going through the circumstances attending the triple alliance, for he thought no one could read the treaty, with the comments of Mr. Arbuthnot and lord Howick, without being convinced of our right to interfere with arms in our hands. The honourable gentleman bad fallen into a mistake in concluding, that hecause he could not find documents to justify a right, such documents were not to be found. If the honourable gentleman had consulted any good col. lection of treaties, he would have found that by which the right of the Russians to send ships to the Lorian islands was specifically acknowledged ; and the right once existing, The guarantee was perfectly justified in interfering to protect it. We had therefore certainly a right to sui port Russia, and the late ministers exercised it in pursuance of that wise policy that had been adopted both by their predecessors and successors, viz. the keeping up a connection between Russia, the Porte, and this country. The right honourable gentleman declared that it was not his intention to weary the house by reading documents. He

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