place to yourself and your troops, as well as to our colleagues, the English, and their soldiers. In fact, the French contingent is the greatest; but I cannot but think that we shall continue to be an allied expedition, with the same liberty of military operation as its chiefs have hitherto enjoyed, and the same subjection, as before, on the part of its chiefs, to the decrees of the conferences, unless your instructions oblige you to withdraw, to act afterwards as a French expedition, which is not likely to be the case, for a thousand reasons which oppose it. We have not yet left for Puebla on accouut of the indisposition of Sir Charles Wycke, and besides, as General Doblado has not arrived, what could we do with the others? The ministers of finance and justice have arrived, but I have made known to them that we cannot set out on account of Sir Charles Wycke's illness, and I have invited them to come here, if they carry sufficient powers to treat of the questions referring to the contribution and custom-house. I prefer to burn our ships in the defence of our countrymen, than with the object of exacting an amnesty entire and without exceptions, because we have no right, at this moment, to demand of the government of the republic to permit the return to the country of those exiled for political causes, when it knows that they come with the intention of conspiring and of attacking the government and the constitutional institutions. Reflect, my friend, upon the subject with your usual justice, and I doubt not, listening to your loyalty, you will think with us. It is to speak of all these weighty matters that I wish we could meet as soon as possible, and for this reason I once more say to you that your troops are safe at Tehuacan as mine are here, since all the Mexican forces united would not dare to attack them. Come, then; for here, in your house, I expect you, and I extend to you the hand of a true friend. SIR: Your despatches of July 11 (No. 30) and July 28 (No. 31) have been received. The tide of military success which had been so strong, and had continued in our favor so long, was checked at Richmond, by what has practically proved a drawn battle. The country for a time, unaccustomed to reverses, seemed at first to be confounded by their disappointment. Disputes about responsibilities for the failure, apprehensions, multifarious and passionate counsels, succeeded, encouraging the insurgents and their agents and sympathizers abroad. The period that has intervened since that event has been marked by few exciting or striking events. Guerilla bands have been emboldened, but have not effected any material change in the military position. The fall of the Mississippi has obliged the sea-going part of our fleet that was engaged at Vicksburg to fall down the river, and owing to the same cause the canal that had been made to divert the stream has not yet proved effective. The assault upon Vicksburg has, therefore, been temporarily suspended. A combined land and naval attack by the insurgents upon Baton Rouge has been successfully resisted. The casualties of the service insensibly reduced our armies so much that, after the battles before Richmond, we found ourselves obliged to let them remain comparatively inactive. The period of inactivity has, nevertheless, been well improved. The President, early in July, called for six hundred thousand troops. The country has responded with earnestness and alacrity. The new levies began to enter into the field a week ago. During that period about thirty thousand of them have joined the different armies, and the increase is now going on, and will continue, at the rate of five thousand or more daily. The army of the Potomac became divided in the battles before Richmond. The large body under the command of General MeClellan has rested on the banks of the James river, unable to renew the attack without re-enforcements, while the small body under General Pope was not deemed competent to march southward, and it was even doubtful whether it would be strong enough to protect this capital if the insurgents should abandon Richmond. General Halleck, the new commander of all the forces, therefore, determined to withdraw General McClellan's army from the James river, and to combine it with Pope's, on the line of the Rappahannock, and in front of Richmond. The operation was one of admitted delicacy and difficulty. It is not yet fully completed. The first part of it has been accomplished with consummate ability and entire success. The whole of General McClellan's forces100,000 strong-have evacuated their position on the James river, and are now on their way to the new front on the Rappahannock. Whether the junction shall be successfully effected is the question which remains undecided, but which will be solved probably before this despatch will have left the department. Our condition may be summed up in the few words, that we are reorganizing and preparing for a new campaign, which we believe will be successful, and which, we trust, will close the war, with the return of the authority of the federal Union. Rumors of intrigues abroad for foreign intervention or mediation reach the government continually, but they do not at present produce any real uneasiness. Since my last despatch to you no correspondence has passed between this government and any foreign state concerning Mexico, or her relations with France. I do not recapitulate the reports of proceedings on that subject in Europe which are brought by the press, because they may not be authentic, and the President thinks that, whether they are so or not, they could not, in either case, furnish occasion for instructions for your guidance under existing circumstances. We see, with regret, that they do not in any way abate the embarrassments of Mexico, and we earnestly hope she may be successful in surmounting them. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, THOMAS CORWIN, Esq., Sc., &c., Sx. WILLIAM H. SEWARD. Mr. Corwin to Mr. Seward. No. 32.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. SIR: Since the date of my despatch No. 31, Mr. Doblado has resigned his position of secretary for foreign affairs, and taken command of a detachment of troops to unite with the corps commanded by the late President Commonfort. Doblado, I learn, is to be commander in chief of this army. This force is to first drive a band of freebooters out of the mountains near Guadalajara, and then hold itself ready to protect the government officials should they be driven out of this city by the defeat of Zaragoza's army, which is to meet the French should they advance on this city. The French forces, about seven thousand in number, are occupied and fortified at Orizaba, about ninety miles from Vera Cruz, and one hundred and eight miles from this city. There are various accounts as to the number of re-enfor ments to come from France. One account sets them down at 10,000, the o. at 20,000. Adopting either number, they will have much difficulty in reachi this city without defeat or great loss. Zaragoza has now under him full fifte thousand men, most of them inured to war, especially guerilla war, for whivthe Mexicans, in general, are well qualified. And this is the very kind of w:s most useful in harassing an army on a long march through such a country al the French must pass through on their march to Orizaba to this city. If the government should be driven from this place by the failure of Zaragoza to check or repulse the French, then it will fly to the nearest safe position in one of the States, most probably to Morelia, a distance of about two hundred miles from Mexico. Then I am satisfied it is the policy of France to set up some government in the capital, call it the government de facto, treat with it and retire. This, I think, is the most likely to be the end of "intervention," especially should the French force their way to this capital. If they should not, it is certain, judging from the temper and known characteristics of the French people, that large armies will be sent here, and an idefinite expenditure of money will be required to carry on successively a war of one year or more, to achieve the complete conquest of this country. If, however, in the meantime the northern forces in the United States shall succeed in gaining a decisive victory over the south, so as to forbid all hope of a division of our Union, I agree with the universal opinion of discerning minds here, both native and foreign, that France will find some honorable way of ridding herself at once from her Mexican troubles. In short, there are satisfactory reasons for believing that the fate of Mexican interests involved in the present contest will be determined favorably, or otherwise, as the tide of conflict in the United States shall set one way or the other. For these reasons all classes here wait with intense anxiety the result of a general battle at Richmond. We have heard nothing from that quarter since General McClellan changed the position of his besieging force, and hope with tremulous uncertainty of mind to get some good news by the forthcoming mail of the British packet, which was due at Vera Cruz yesterday, and will probably reach this city by the 30th instant. Mr. Fuente, late minister to France, who was so unceremoniously treated lately by the imperial government at Paris, succeeds Mr. Doblado in the department of foreign affairs here. He is a gentleman of good education, great probity, and fine talent. We here, after reading the British "blue book," are at a loss to know how the British and Spanish governments can permit the French to give a turn to the objects of the joint intervention at war with the joint treaty agreed to at London; yet they both look on and see the French attempt with arms to overthrow the established government of Mexico, which they both assert is a plain infraction of the treaty agreed to by France with them, upon which basis joint intervention was moved. If the Mexican government had money to maintain and arms to equip troops, it could easily bring into the field fifty thousand effective men. But they have neither money nor arms; and hence, in a contest with a rich and warlike nation, they must be regarded as dependent on the justice of a possible conqueror. I have been asked to send home a supplemental treaty extending the time of ratification agreed on by the treaty of the 6th of April last. This is urged on the ground that a great and favorable change in our situation may take place after the 6th of October next, when the ratification of our treaty (now on the table of the Senate) expires. And, secondly, if it is not likely that the treaty will ever be ratified, while it is pending and not rejected. Mexico will seem to ave one friend, and they be left to hope; whereas, if it be rejected, she will be of luced to despair of either friendly feelings or aid from any quarter. Jul earp Your obedient servant, ag HON. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, THOMAS CORWIN. arn Secretary of State of the United States, Washington, D. C. the ba A 1, Despatch No.32. CITY OF MEXICO, August 14, 1862. SIR: The representatives of the United States of America, of the republic of Ecuador, of his Majesty the King of the Belgians, of the republic of Peru, and of Venezuela, have the honor of addressing your excellency with the purpose of seriously calling your attention to the pamphlet recently published in this city by the Señor Diputado Don Ygnacio Manuel Attimirano, entitled Some words with reference to Mr. Wagner." The unusual manner in which the author of this pamphlet speaks of foreign governments and their representatives accredited to the government of Mexico, using for his purpose language opposed to the usages and customs of all civilized countries in which the consideration due to the high character with which a diplomatic representative is invested is never forgotten-these considerations have induced the undersigned to address to your excellency the present collective note, persuaded as they are that your excellency, as well as the President of the republic, have seen with displeasure the pamphlet to which they refer. The undersigned do not doubt that the Mexican government will take the measures which will be proper not only for the present case, but also those which may be necessary to prevent similar attacks hereafter against foreign representatives; since, if this be not done, it will be impossible to maintain the good harmony and perfect understanding which ought always to subsist between Mexico and friendly nations. In addressing this note to your excellency, the undersigned would remark that the publication complained of derives its peculiar significancy from the fact that the supreme government of Mexico has assumed the entire control of the public press, and has actually, within the past few months, suppressed the issuing of two newspapers for having published articles which it deemed injurious to the public interests. The article relative to Mr. Wagner, the minister of Prussia, having been published in pamphlet form, and afterwards reproduced in two of the public papers of this city, without having been noticed by the public authorities, in the eyes of the world, will, we fear, be looked upon as being approved by the gov ernment. The undersigned would therefore most seriously call the attention of your excellency to the propriety and necessity of preventing such attacks upon the representatives of foreign governments resident in Mexico. The undersigned avail themselves of this occasion to offer to your excellency the assurances of their distinguished consideration. THOS. CORWIN. FRAN'CO DE P. PASTOR. AUG. V. KINT DE ROUDENBECK. [Translation A 2, Despatch No. 32.] NATIONAL PALACE, Mexico, August 15, 1862. The undersigned, chief clerk of the department of foreign relations and government, in charge of its duties, in reply to the collective note which messieurs the representatives of the United States of America, of the republic of Ecuador, of his Majesty the King of the Belgians, of the republics of Peru and of Venezuela, have thought proper to address to him in reference to the pamphlet which has been recently published in this capital by the deputy, Don Ignacio Manuel Altimirano, has the honor, after having laid its contents before the citizen president, and having received his superior opinion, to inform his excellency Mr. Thomas Corwin and the other worthy representatives who subscribe to the aforesaid communication, that as soon as it was known in this department that this publication had been made, it was ordered that it should be denounced by the censor of the press, agreeably to the law; and that recently, and in deference to the wishes expressed in their joint note, the order has been renewed in like manner that the copies of the said pamphlet be collected together, and that hereafter the same may be done with any other publication of whatsoever character, which may contain anything injurious or offensive to the foreign governments or to their accredited representatives near the government of this republic. The undersigned avails himself of this occasion to renew to his excellency Mr. Corwin, and to his worthy colleagues, the assurances of his very distinguished consideration. His Excellency THOMAS CORWIN, JUAN DE D. ARIAS. United States of America. Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the [Translation A 3, Despatch No. 32.] NATIONAL PALACE, Mexico, August 16, 1862. The undersigned, chief clerk of the department of foreign relations, in charge of its duties, has the honor to transmit to his excellency the envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the United States of America, for his information and that of his colleagues the representatives of the friendly powers accredited near this government, three copies of the same number of official communications, which, under date of yesterday, the censor of the press, the citizen Francisco Lazo Estrada has addressed to this department, with reference to the articles published against Mr. Wagner. The undersigned avails himself of this opportunity to renew to his excellency Thomas Corwin the assurances of his very distinguished consideration. JUAN DE D. ARIAS. His Excellency THOMAS CORWIN, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the |