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are, will in this, the nineteenth century, intervene with force to maintain African slavery in America against the will equally of the people and the slaves of America. I will not push the argument so far as to inquire what would be the probable result of such an intervention. Europe now knows and understands the policy which this government has adopted for the gradual and ultimate relief of the nation from the evil of slavery. It has been explicitly set forth by the President and adopted by Congress. If accepted by the slave States, it will restore peace and effect the desired result, without involving the sacrifice of a single personal right or privilege of any section of the country or of any State.

These are general observations, having no especial bearing upon the policy of Belgium, and worthy of consideration in that country no more, perhaps even less, than elsewhere in Europe. You may submit them to Mr. Rogier if he shall be willing to hear them They will tend to satisfy him that this government is contending for the present interests of European society, while it is at the same time defending itself and maintaining the cause of human nature.

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SIR: Your despatch of June 12 (No. 3) was received. I notice in that paper, as I have observed in others received from you, the statement that Mr. Rogier dwells on our high tariff as being very unacceptable to the Belgian government. We cannot doubt that it is so unacceptable to the manufacturing countries of Europe, and the governments of those countries ought not to doubt that we seriously regret it.

How shall the inconvenience be remedied? We cannot decide this question without considering the cause of the inconvenience.

For half a century we maintained a low tariff on foreign imports. Why? Our slaveholders employed themselves and their slaves in producing surplus cotton for exportation, and a low tariff enabled European manufacturers to purchase that surplus, while we received payment for it in their productions. A year ago the slaveholders abandoned these peaceful practices of producers of cotton, relinquished the cultivation of it and devoted all their own energies, with the labor of their slaves, to civil war, designed to overthrow this government and betray the country to the rule of foreign powers. As a military policy they destroy the cotton already in hand and cover their fields with Indian corn instead of cotton. Of course we can send much less, practically no cotton to Europe. How then could we pay for European products? Certainly only in gold and grain. We do this cheerfully, but we acquire the ability to do it only by manufacturing whatever we can make for ourselves. We need increased revenues to maintain the public defence. Besides direct taxes, we must raise revenue by a tariff on imports. The increase of duties is, therefore, a purely revenue measure, enforced upon the government by the new attitude of the former producers of cotton. When that attitude

was assumed the European governments were warned that a new revenue policy must be adopted and maintained unless the civil war could be arrested, and we applied ourselves to arrest it. No one will now say that we have been deficient in energy and self-sacrifice in that respect.

The interests of the manufacturing and maritime powers of Europe on that occasion were identical with our own. They wanted the war arrested. But while desiring that end they, in spite of our remonstrances, have taken the very means calculated to stimulate and prolong it. They declare themselves indifferent between this country and the aforesaid producers of cotton who assail it, and they give to the latter, prematurely and unnecessarily, the privileges and advantages of a public belligerent, privileges and advantages which continually encourge them to expect armed alliances and interventions. Thus the European states have morally upheld the slaveholders in the destruction of the whole system upon which the policy of low tariffs in this country was built. What explanation of this can there be but that Europe prefers political ends to commercial interests? What remains now for the European states to do? Either to continue their indirect favor to the slaveholders or to change their relations towards this country in that respect. If they continue these, a servile war will follow, and that will completely extirpate the cotton culture in America. If they change these, the insurrection will decline and society return, so far as is now possible, to the habits it heretofore pursued. You may submit these views to Mr. Rogier, and may say to him, further, that in our view Providence is just and impartial; that if, as all the world seems to have agreed, slavery is a crime against humanity, and its continuance here a reproach, it is nevertheless a crime which other nations have encouraged and by which they have profited as well as the United States; and that those nations seem to us to have erred in supposing that they, having thus profited, could expect exemption from suffering and be altogether relieved from the necessity of adopting wise and prudent counsels in regard to the emergency, now whea slavery refuses longer to perform its accustomed peaceful functions and turus to rend these nations as well as our own country.

I am, sir, your obedient servant,

AARON GOODRICH, Esq., &c., &c., &c., Brussels.

WILLIAM H. SEWARD,

Mr. Seward to Mr. Sanford.

No. 64.]

DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, September 18, 1862.

SIR: Your despatch of August 26 (No. 66) has been received. The general scope of the conversation with Mr. Rogier, which you report, shows how impossible it is for the European states to apprehend the course of an American one in regard to its domestic questions, even when they are brought to the unconstitutional test of civil war. To us the paramount, the vital question in this struggle is the preservation of the national integrity or, in one word, the Union. Mr. Rogier turns at once from this to the question, when will peace come with the blessing to Europe of a fresh supply of cotton? This matter being dropped, he passes next to the economical results of emancipation as a result of the war. Thus it is that the European mind is occupied with mere collateral incidents and ultimate consequences of the war, while the vital question, of course, absorbs all the thoughts and anxieties of this government. There is nothing in all this to complain of. It is the experience of nations.

The period which has elapsed since your recent departure from this country to resume your duties abroad has been filled with events of the highest importance, exciting the most intense interest and anxiety. Contrary to what we hoped, the two retiring armies in Virginia did not effect a consoli

dation without disasters which enabled the insurgents to pass this city, reach the fords of the upper Potomac, and cross into Maryland, threatening, while there, this capital, Baltimore, and even Pennsylvania. Similar aggressive movements were made by them in the west; so that, for the last ten days, while we have surrendered no really important point that we held in the insurrectionary region, we have been maintaining, instead of an offensive, a defensive war. Recent occurrences induce a hope that this painful position is about to be relieved But it would be useless to speculate upon results depending on battles which are imminent. The telegraph tells to you and to everybody all that it communicates to the government, and with equal despatch. I may, however, properly mention that recently recruiting has very rapidly revived, and that all the requisitions which the government have made are being promptly filled. The new forces are constituted by a class superior, I think, to any that have ever entered the field in any country. I am, sir, your obedient servant,

HENRY S. SANFORD, Esq., &c., &c., &c., Brussels.

WILLIAM H. SEWARD.

Mr. Seward to Mr. Sanford.

No. 65.]

DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, October 6, 1862.

SIR: Your letter of the 16th of September last has been received. I am glad to learn from it that the pressure in the cotton market in France is less severe than the vague reports of the press which are received here would induce us to suppose. It is still more agreeable to learn that Europe is coming, though slowly, towards an attitude of independence of the cotton supply from this country. The obstinacy of the cotton producers in demanding an overthrow of this government as a condition for allowing the material for European manufacture, and their persistency in this desperate policy, must soon bring home to Europe the question which engages us, namely: whether all human interests, all human rights, all moral principles, and all political systems throughout the world, with all their influences upon civilization, present and future, are to be controlled and settled by a monopoly of African slaveholders in this country? We have reached the question whether slavery shall live and free government perish on the American continent. We must try it with Europe against us, if such an ill omened alliance cannot be averted. We trust, however, that it may be averted, and in that case the trial is already approaching its end.

I am, sir, your obedient servant,

WILLIAM H. SEWARD.

HENRY S. SANFORD, Esq., &c., &c., &c., Brussels.

Mr. Seward to Mr. Sanford.

No. 66.]

DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, October 6, 1862.

SIR: Your note of the 15th of September last has been received. Mani festly it was written under much excitement and in a moment of despondency. The news you had just then received produced the same effect here. The

despondency of our friends in Europe is not, therefore, surprising. But there was no real occasion for gloomy apprehensions on either side of the Ocean Reverses are as unavoidable in civil wars as successes are certain with a good cause, large forces, and abundant resources. The reaction has only recently commenced here, and it will be felt in Europe when this despatch shall arrive.

Rest assured that it is not one nor even a series of defeats of the national arms that can destroy this government. Nor is it in the power of the metropolitan presses of Europe to shake its foundations. We are solving for ages the question whether there shall be one free political State in our great country which shall peacefully regulate all conflicting interests by debate, as heretofore, or whether we shall now adopt the European system of independent states indefinitely, multiplied and maintaining themselves with standing armies, keeping peace only by temporary and ever uncertain truces. The condition of things existing in Europe may pass away, but ours will

not.

How could we attempt to regulate the press of Europe when we cannot regulate our own? Where are the funds which would be necessary? Who the agent that could be trusted with them? What an endless chapter of political intrigues should we be opening! Who in our country has the skill to conduct them? No, no. Let us trust in the mighty interests this nation has at stake, the enduring principles it maintains, the noble sentiments the struggle inspires, and the intelligence and virtue of a people who have a higher and happier destiny before them than was ever set before any other portion of mankind. The interest of Europe is to let us alone, and the sentiments of mankind will not allow interference which is at once wrong and pernicious to the world's peace.

I am, sir, your obedient servant,

HENRY S. SANFORD, Esq., &c., &c., Brussels.

WILLIAM H. SEWARD.

Mr. Seward to Mr. Sanford.

No. 67.]

DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, October 10, 1862.

SIR: I have your private letter of the 23d of September, which, in its subdued tone and spirit, is like the last of your favors which it has been my duty to acknowledge. I trust that you may have been encouraged to entertain more hopeful views by the auspicious news which you will have received long before this despatch shall come to your hands. It is an obvious and cheering fact that the insurgent invasion of the loyal States has everywhere failed. I might speak of our expectations of advantage from military and naval movements already in progress, but that would be, in some sort to commit myself concerning the success of operations which depend on circumstances beyond human control or foresight. I may, however, safely remark that the buoyancy of expectations on the part of the insurgents has passed away, and that apprehensions of danger are manifested by them which indicate a condition very unfavorable to long persistence in their designs. Besides this fact, the proceeding of the President, in giving warning to the insurgents of the necessity for a return to their allegiance under the penalty of a withdrawal of the protection hitherto extended to their system of slavery by the federal government, must exert no small influence upon the fortunes

of the civil war they have so unnecessarily and wantonly waged against the Union.

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SIR: Your two despatches of September 26 (Nos. 69 and 70) have been received.

It is an occasion of sincere satisfaction to the President to know that his Majesty the King has recovered his health, and that his popularity has augmented during his long and painful confinement.

The remarks of Mr. Rogier concerning the condition of our domestic struggle might surprise us if we had not too many other proofs that Europe, as might naturally be suspected, reasons in regard to our affairs under the influence of its own temporary interests and impulses, and not those which are inspired by concern for our own permanent safety and welfare, or even the permanent welfare of Europe itself. There is, nevertheless, an opinion in foreign circles that does appear unaccountable, namely, that this government, with the loyal people that are sustaining it, are desiring, or being prepared to desire, a compromise with the insurrection. No country in the world has ever poured out, in an equal period, so much of its treasure and its blood to save its integrity and its independence. These precious streams have flowed from springs as free as they are abundant. They are renewed now as freely and as plentifully as before. Temporary and partial disappointments not only produce no despair or despondency, but they stimulate and invigorate. These facts might be expected to satisfy Europe that the insurrection is not likely to be brought to an end by the surrender of the destinies which the country claims as its own. Our cause is now, as it was in the time of our great revolution, the cause of human nature. It deserves and it yet will win the favor of all nations and of all classes and conditions of men.

A copy of so much of your despatch (No. 70) as relates to New Orleans will be transmitted to Major General Butler. The international congress for the promotion of social science seems to have been wise in foregoing a discussion of American affairs under influences committed to the extension of slavery, which desolates one continent in preparing scourges for another and hindrances to civilization throughout the whole world. There is one fundamental principle of social science which cannot be too steadily kept in view by all who desire to promote the advancement of civilization, namely, the principle that every people ought to be left free to establish their own institutions, regulate their own affairs, and arbitrate their own domestic conflicts.

I am, sir, your obedient servant,

HENRY S. SANFORD, Esq., &c., &c., &c., Brussels.

WILLIAM H. SEWARD.

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