is now in session to act upon the ministerial propositions of M. Thorbecké. It is not a large country, but it is deemed necessary to have from six to a dozen legislative sessions a year, in order that its concerns may be properly cared for. I have the honor to be, with great respect, your most obedient servant, SIR: Your despatch of April 23 (No. 47) has been received. The efforts, financial, military, and naval, which the United States have made during the past year were necessarily irregular and convulsive as increasing evils and multiplying dangers revealed themselves. But that revolutionary habit, or rather want of habit, has passed away. The nation. now understands fully its task, and is able to contemplate the utmost possible enlargement of it which can happen, and it is engaged in the performance of it soberly, thoughtfully, deliberately, and without any sense of embarrassment or self-distrust. It is hardly to be expected that distrust abroad should subside as rapidly as alarm at home, but our financial soundness cannot be a subject for speculation abroad very long after the probability of a defeat of the revolution shall have been admitted. SIR: Your despatch of April 16, 1862, (No. 46,) conveying the reply of the minister of foreign affairs for the kingdom of the Netherlands to your suggestion of a modification of their decree extending shelter in the ports of that country and its dependencies to piratical vessels engaged in depredating on the commerce of the United States, has been received. Certain maritime powers, of which the Netherlands is one, precipitately conceded belligerent rights to a faction in this country that had not at the time put a single war vessel afloat, and offered the shelter and hospitalities of their harbors to the corsairs, three or four of which, in the course of the year, that faction sent forth to destroy our commerce, until, at last, not one such enemy remains at sea, nor is there left a harbor on the whole of our three thousand miles of coast where an insurgent can enter or from which he could escape. The government of the Netherlands, when this unfriendly policy is a second time brought home to its knowledge, insists that it cannot be relinquished. In the meantime the apparent suppression of the piratical practices of the insurgents, which has been already effected by this government, has rendered the question at issue between us and the Netherlands an abstraction. We may, therefore, probably remain content with the assurance of the Netherlands that they will not suffer their harbors to be made a basis for maritime war against the United States. It remains therefore only to protest against the decision of the Netherlands government, and to refer the difference to the candid judgment of mankind. It will be in any case consoling to the American people to reflect that in maintaining their maritime independence they have come under so few new obligations to friendly powers. You may make these sentiments of the President known to the minister for foreign affairs. I am, sir, your obedient servant, JAMES S. PIKE, Esq., &c., &c., &c. WILLIAM H. SEWARD. No. 49.] Mr. Pike to Mr. Seward. UNITED STATES LEGATION, The Hague, May 14, 1862. SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your despatch of April 16, (No. 51.) You will have received the reply of the new cabinet here on the question to which that despatch mainly refers, and I await your instructions as to what response, if any, shall be made to that communication. Just now this government has under consideration the question of the existing validity of the treaty made between Holland and the United States in October, 1782, to which you had occasion to refer in the recent discussion with Baron Von Zuylen. The cabinet of M. Thorbecké have determined to bring the subject before the legislative body now in session, and a discussion thereon may be expected this week. I shall duly acquaint you with the result of these deliberations. I have the honor to be, with great respect, your most obedient servant, JAMES S. PIKE. SIR: Your despatch of April 30 (No. 48) has been received. It is very interesting to notice the attention which is at this moment bestowed by the maritime powers upon the subject of improving their naval armaments with the use of iron armor. The improvement is of vast importance as a means of defence. It remains, perhaps, to be seen whether it can be perfected so as to be useful in aggressive warfare against distant states. Certainly no nation needs to adopt it more promptly than the Netherlands, if they are exposed to war from any cause, and none can adopt it more easily or more properly. It seems to us, however, that the warlike energies of European states might be safely and advantageously relaxed, if they could by some agreement come to an understanding to leave to each nation the exclusive care and management of its own political affairs. Foreign nations, as your paper shows, are just now beginning to experience severe suffering from their departure from this safe principle of conduct in regard to the existing troubles in the United States. The manufacturers of Manchester require an address from a member of the ministry to reconcile them to severe privations. It is easy to see that those privations could not have occurred had British merchants been prevented as well as prohibited from supplying materials and munitions of war to the insurgents. The Belgian artisan is reduced to five cents per day. He would not have fallen upon such evil times if the insurgents had been denied supplies of Enfield rifles at the manufactories of Liege. The manufacturers at Lyons implore aid from the Emperor. But they would have needed none if France had withheld the concession of belligerent privileges from the insurgents. The Netherlands would have secured the friendship of the people of this whole continent forever if they had shut their ports against the privateers who stole out from our harbors to depredate upon the commerce of their own country. It might be flattering to our national pride, if we chose to indulge that passion, to see European states studying our models of ships-of-war, but it would be far better for them as well as for us if they should lend their great influences in co-operation with our efforts to the restoration of peace and harmony here and throughout the world. I am, sir, your obedient servant, JAMES S. PIKE, Esq., &c., &c, &c. WILLIAM H. SEWARD. Mo. 50.] Mr. Pike to Mr. Seward. UNITED STATES LEGATION, The Hague, May 28, 1862. SIR: I have had the honor to receive your circulars of the 2d and 5th of this month in relation to the recovery of New Orleans, and see by the public journals that the proclamation of the President in respect to the blockade of that and other southern ports has been issued. This prompt and timely movement must remove the only pretext France and England could have for interference with our affairs. The distress in their manufacturing districts is, however, great, and must be growing greater. In some late observations I have made along the channels of trade leading to the interior of France, Belgium, and Germany, I have seen more or less cotton moving, but I have found on inspection that none of it was American, yet all must now perceive that there is nothing left but to wait the progress of events, which cannot be hastened by interference. If France has looked upon any possible complications hostile to us, through the affairs of Mexico, I judge she will now be disposed to review such reflections. The movement there, as viewed here, in well-informed circles, is regarded as developing a purpose on the part of the Emperor to strengthen his prestige and his dynasty by coming foward as the supporter of the church party in that county. Though not in favor with the Catholics, he makes himself necessary to them in Rome, and he seems to aim to occupy a similar position in Mexico. It is undoubtedly in harmony with his plans to put money in the pockets of influential supporters of the empire, by giving value under a new regimé to existing Mexican securitics in their possession which are at present worthless. These views seem to me more reasonable than the often-suggested idea that the invasion of that unhappy country has for its object to re-establish a monarchy there for the benefit of decaying royal families in Europe, or as a compensation for disturbed political relations on the continent. But your sources of information on this subject render any remarks of mine thereon superfluous. It is difficult to express the feeling of exultation with which the triumphant march of the government in quelling the rebellion is received by its friends in Europe. The old sentiment of pride and confidence in American institutions is fully returned, so admirable proves their working in the present great emer gency. The wide-spread element in European society, which has wished us harm, is silent before the unexpected and commanding development. I have the honor to be, with great respect, your most obedient servant. JAMES S. PIKE. HON. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. No. 58.] Mr. Seward to Mr. Pike. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, June 4, 1862. SIR: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your despatch (No. 49) of the 14th ultimo, and to state that former instructions render reply unnecessary to the refusal of the Dutch government to modify its decree extending shelter to insurgent vessels. I am, sir, your obedient servant, JAMES S. PIKE, Esq., &c., &c., &c. WILLIAM H. SEWARD. No. 51.] Mr. Pike to Mr. Seward. UNITED STATES LEGATION, SIR Since my last, under date of May 28, I am in receipt of your despatches Nos. 52, 53, and 54, and of your circular of May 8. I have made the reply to Mr. Van der Maesen de Sombreff, as directed in your despatch of 10th of May, (No. 54,) and the question treated therein remains without change. From an interview with Mr. Van der Maeser I learn that his government views the treaty of 1782 as obsolete. The discussion thereon, to which I referred in a late despatch, did not go beyond a parliamentary declaration by the ministers of foreign affairs to this effect, which was acquiesced in by the legislative body. There is a feverish state of public mind in relation to American affairs, which the late dash into the Shenandoah valley by the insurgents, and consequent retreat of our forces under General Banks, has tended to increase. The industrial interests of Europe so earnestly desire the termination of hostilities, that everything which looks like prolonging the contest promotes fresh inquiries into some new methods of terminating the suspense. The suggestion is thus now renewed for propositions of mediation or arbitration of the great powers. But while the present determined attitude of the government and people of the loyal States continues it does not seem probable that these suggestions will result in any definite action. Still I believe it is not too much to say that it would create no surprise in European circles if something of this sort should take place, unless the rebellion should give signs of a sudden collapse. I have the honor to be, with great respect, your obedient servant, JAMES S. PIKE. Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. Mr. Seward to Mr. Pike. No. 59.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, June 21, 1862. SIR: Your despatch of May 28 (No. 50) was duly received. Our military affairs continue prosperous. The insurgents practically are concentrating their energies in an effort to save Richmond. They still dream of deliverance from Europe; but the time for the indulgence of such delusions has passed I do not wonder that Europe fails to apprehend the policy of France in regard to Mexico. Embarrassments often result from the misemployment of standing armies abroad. Yet what is to be done with such armies when they are without occupation at home? I imagine that our policy, which practically dispenses with standing armies in time of peace, will prove to be the wisest one. I am, sir, your obedient servant, JAMES S. PIKE, Esq., &c., &c., &c. WILLIAM H. SEWARD. No. 52.] Mr. Pike to Mr. Seward. UNITED STATES LEGATION, The Hague, June 25, 1862. SIR: I have had the honor to receive your despatch of June 4, (No. 58,) which came by yesterday's mail. I had previously received copies of two "memorandums," dated respectively the 30th and 31st May, in relation to interviews of the British and French ministers with the Secretary of State upon events occurring at New Orleans, enclosed with your despatch of June 3, (No. 57.) The daily voluntary sacrifices of men and money, made and making by the United States in support of their government, is a spectacle so extraordinary, both in character and extent, as to be viewed with profound emotion in Europe. The federal government has developed a strength, and the people have exhibited a purpose and a resolution so striking, that every hour deepens the impression that interference with American concerns by the gov ernments of Europe would be unavailing. The magnitude of the case quite overshadows all ordinary courses and motives of action, and has nearly silenced even hostile speculation. I have the honor to be, with great respect, your most obedient servant, JAMES S. PIKE. Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State, Washington. No. 60.] Mr. Seward to Mr. Pike. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, July 9, 1862. SIR: Your despatch of June 11 (No. 51) was received. The impatience of Europe for a close of our civil war, which you describe, has not failed to arrest the attention of this government. Illogical as it is, the United States have acted in the emergency just as they would have |