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No. 21.]

PRUSSIA.

Mr. Seward to Mr. Judd.

DEPARTMENT OF STATE,

Washington, January 8, 1862.

SIR: Your despatch of December 14 (No. 14) has been received. Your suggestions to Count Bernstorff concerning the difficulties between the United States and Great Britain were by no means improper, they being distinctly understood to be made in the exercise of your individual judgment, and not with any authority on the part of this government. Moreover, we deem it fortunate that they were made, because they elicited the expressions of friendly interest on the part of the government of Prussia towards the United States. We reckon always confidently on this friendship. It is a moral element of great value.

We entertain a good hope that by steadily practicing good faith and all possible liberality towards foreign states we shall avoid the dangers of foreign war, which the insurgents are so busily endeavoring to bring down upon the country which they have vainly devoted to destruction. The success of our cause in arms and in the convictions of the people is steady and increasing.

I have read with interest your account of political events and prospects in Prussia. Our best wishes are that the government may be successful in its endeavors so to conduct its affairs that it may advance the prosperity, welfare, and freedom of a great and enlightened people.

I am, sir, your obedient servant,

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SIR: Your despatch of April 8 (No 22) has been received. Taking into consideration the position of the Prussian government upon the question of political right which is involved in the cases of Jacob Spandau and Adolph Katz, their release is an act of comity for which it will be your pleasant duty to express the President's acknowledgments.

We are beginning to see a breaking of the clouds above us, and to indulge hopes of a speedy return of peace with national unity. When that consummation shall have been reached and Prussia shall have gotten relief from her present anxieties, as I trust will be the case, we shall try to come to some definite and harmonious understanding with her upon this vexed subject of conflict between our naturalization and her military laws. Meantime you will not hesitate to express assurances of the constant good will of the

United States towards the King and people who have dealt with us with good faith and great friendship during the severe trials through which we have been passing.

I am, sir, your obedient servant,

NORMAN B. JUDD, Esq., &c., &c., Berlin.

WILLIAM H. SEWARD.

No. 2.]

Mr. Seward to Mr. Kreismann.

DEPARTMENT OF STATE,

Washington, September 6, 1862.

SIR: Your despatch of August 9 (No. 3) has been received.

This government could not, without giving offence, offer to subjects of foreign powers inducements to enter the armies of the United States, much less could it properly make payments to them in order to enable them to reach our shores with a view to enlistment.

Recruiting here is now very rapid, and there is likely to be no deficiency of volunteers which will not be supplied by a light draft, or if the time be extended the army will be filled with volunteers without draft. At the same time it is very manifest that labor has advanced and is advancing in price, and there was never before a time when this country presented so great inducements to emigrants.

Some subjects presented in your despatch will be treated of in a distinct communication.

I am, sir, your obedient servant,

H. KREISMANN, Esq., &c., &c., &c., Berlin.

WILLIAM H. SEWARD.

Mr. Judd to Mr. Seward.

[Extract.]

No. 14.]

LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Berlin, December 14, 1861.

SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of despatches Nos. 18 and 19, dated, respectively, 4th and 25th of November, 1861.

The principal topic of discussion at this time among the diplomats and others is the pending difficulty between the United States and Great Britain, growing out of the seizure of Mason and Slidell, and what will be its result. I have had conversation upon that subject with a majority of the representatives of other governments residing at this capital, and have found no one who does not appreciate the serious consequences to the commerce and business of the world that would occur in case of a war between the United States and England, and who does not deprecate such a result; some of them on account of the present condition of the United States, and others from a selfish motive connected with the mercantile and commercial interests of their respective countries. The newspapers are filled with rumors and speculations as to the action of England, among them one as follows: that England had made two propositions to the parties to the Paris conference about American matters; 1st, that the blockade should be declared ineffectual,

and therefore raised; and, 2d, that these powers should acknowledge the independence of the Confederate States; and it was further asserted that all the powers had assented to the first proposition, Russia with a declaration that it was not to be construed into a disposition to war with the United States. I had an interview, by appointment, yesterday, with Count Bernstorff, minister of foreign affairs, to get some action in relation to the matter of Adolph Katz, whose case I have heretofore reported to you, and to prevent Hudson and Pope, the two individuals of whom I had occasion to speak in my despatch No. 11, from again obtaining permission to enter the royal military academy, and to participate in the cavalry exercises of the troops stationed here, having been advised that they had made another application for that purpose to the minister of war. I ascertained that Count Bernstorff had that very morning advised the minister of war not to grant the permission desired by these men. During this interview I also called the Count's attention to the rumored proposition of England to the powers parties to the Paris conference, and he replied by stating that no proposition of any kind had been made by the British government to the Prussian government upon that subject. He expressed regret at the threatened difficulties with England, and hoped war might be avoided. I then said to him, "Why don't your government keep the peace ?" To which he replied by asking if the government of the United States would not object to their interference? I told him that the friendly relations that had always existed between the governments of the United States and Prussia would authorize any friendly act of that kind; that I had no advice or instruction from my government upon the subject, and that I was only expressing my own feelings. I stated, further, that unless England had some ulterior object for war, and only made the Trent affair a pretext, there was no necessity for the hasty action that was threatened; that the honor of England was safe while she was listening to the voices of the powers that were represented at the treaty of Paris. He said that he did not think there was any ulterior motive; and when I expressed to him my views of the legality of the act, when considered in the light of the British construction of international law, he replied that there was sufficient ground for argument upon either side to cause the parties to hesitate before becoming involved in a war for that cause.

My conversation with him was very satisfactory, and there is no doubt of the friendly feelings of the Prussian government towards the government of the United States, and its desire that the rebellion should be subdued.

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SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of despatches Nos. 21 22, 23, and 24, bearing dates, respectively, the 8th, 10th, 13th, and 25th of January, 1862.

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An American citizen, residing at Hamburg, has informed me that certain persons, whose names he furnished, were at Hamburg, on their way to Berlin, "to see the King" on behalf of the rebellious States. I did not think there was enough of importance in the gossip of Hamburg to create any serious anxiety, but took the necessary steps to ascertain the whereabouts of the men here, and hope to find out their business, if they have any. At Count Bernstorff's reception I mentioned to him that roving confederate emissaries were in Europe, and that some of them were reported to be in Berlin, and inquired of him whether he had heard from any such persons. He replied in the negative, and added that he knew of no good reason why his government should have anything to do with them.

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Your reply to the Prussian note on the Trent affair, which the newspapers have published, has been very well received everywhere, and the Union success in Kentucky is causing universal rejoicing, as the harbinger of the speedy overthrow of the rebellion. May the ardent hopes it has given rise to not again be disappointed.

I have the honor to be your obedient servant,

Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD,

Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.

N. B. JUDD.

Mr. Kreismann to Mr. Seward.

No. 3.]

SIR:

[Extracts.]

UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Berlin, August 9, 1862.
In view of the fact

that enlistments at home are progressing somewhat slowly, I beg leave to submit to your consideration the following suggestions :

At the end of the present month a very large number of Prussian soldiers, whose term of active service will then have expired, will be dismissed. On the part of many of those, thus expecting to be discharged, applications are made to this legation to procure them a free passage to the United States, with a view of their taking service in our army. Now, if some arrangement could be made for carrying men free of charge from Hamburg or Bremen to New York, thousands of valuable soldiers could, in my opinion be added to our ranks. When large bounties are so freely offered at home, why could not means be found to enable those here to enlist, who are willing and ready to go. Whether such a course could be looked upon as an infringement of the neutrality laws you can much better determine than myself; I deem it my duty to lay the matter before you and to request an expression of your views. If any steps are to be taken they must be taken quickly.

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The laws concerning the pay of volunteers, pensions, &c., passed by the late Congress would also be very acceptable.

There are so many parties in Germany who have near relatives in our army, and inquiries about their whereabouts and their fate are so numerous, that it would be very desirable if official lists of the killed and wounded, and of those who die in hospitals, could be sent to this legation from the

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