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On the other hand, the fact is very certain that the departure of Lord Lyons has been again postponed. The last time I saw him he announced to me that he should go on the 11th. Yet he is still here, and there is no sign of his immediate moving. Concurrently with this delay comes a notice that the first cabinet council is called for the 23d instant, which is earlier than usual, and intimations appear that one reason for this anticipation is the urgent nature of the American difficulty. Without putting too much stress on these unauthorized conjectures, it is perfectly fair to infer some connexion between the approximation of the cabinet meeting and the postponement of Lord Lyons's return. I do not therefore doubt that the opportunity will be taken to reconsider the situation, and to lay down the line of policy for the regulation of the minister during the subsequent season. How far the question of a recognition of the insurgents will enter into the deliberation I will not venture to predict. My own opinion is that that event now depends almost entirely on the fortune of the war. If we prove ourselves by February next no more able to control its results than we are at this moment, it will be difficult for ministers longer to resist the cur. rent of sentiment leaning in that direction in both houses of Parliament. I do not know that many of them will be longer inclined to do so. Even the unpleasant alternative of appearing to uphold slavery against the action of a free government will be acquiesced in as an overruling necessity dictated by the popular opinion. I feel it my duty to say thus much, in order to prevent the smallest misconception of the existing state of things on this side in the minds of the government at home.

But it has occurred to me that, prior to this day of meeting, it may be expedient for me to solicit an interview with Lord Russell to dispose of other matters which have been left pending for some time past. I may then be able incidentally to open a way to the subject most interesting to both countries, and to invite informal disclosures, if any are to be made, as well as in the same way to intimate probabilities which may ensue in certain contingencies that can be imagined. The matter requires delicate treatment, but, as at present advised, I am inclined to venture upon the experiment. Whatever the results of it may be, I shall endeavor to lay them faithfully before you in my next. I have the honor to be, sir, your

obedient servant,


Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.

Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward. .

No. 244.]


London, October 23, 1862. SIR: I have to acknowledge the reception of despatches from the department numbered 362 and 363; likewise a printed circular, No. 24, of the 25th of September, respecting the renewal of passports. This leaves two despatches, Nos. 360 and 361, yet unaccounted for.

I now transmit a copy of Lord Russell's note to me of the 16th instant, in reply to mine of the 9th, a copy of which was forwarded with my despatch No. 238, of the 10th of October. The attitude of indifference to the consequences of their own inaction under the provisions of the enlistment law is continued, and will probably remain to the last. In the meantime the vessel which was suffered to escape is continuing its piratical voyages on the ocean. Mr. Dudley will send you further particulars received by the captain of the ship Emily Farnum, who has arrived at Liverpool. I know not what has become of the

Tuscarora. The probabilities are that the next attack will be made on the
California steamers.
I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,

Hon. William H. SEWARD,

Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.

FOREIGN Office, October 16, 1862. Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 9th instant, enclosing a copy of an intercepted letter which you had received from the United States government, being the further evidence with regard to the gunboat No. 290, to which you alluded in your previous communication to me of the 30th ultimo, and with reference to your observations with regard to the infringement of the enlistment law, I have to remark that it is true the foreign enlistment act, or any other act for the same purpose, can be evaded by very subtle contrivances; but her Majesty's government cannot, on that account, go beyond the letter of the existing law.

I have the honor to be, with the highest consideration, sir, your most obedient, 1 humble servant,

RUSSELL. Charles FRANCIS ADAMS, Esq., fr., &c., fr.

Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward.

No. 248.1


London, October 24, 1862. Sir: Following up the plan suggested in my despatch No. 243, I asked an interview with Lord Russell. He gave it to me yesterday. The cabinet meeting appointed for that time had been postponed until to-day, which will yet be in season for the departure of Lord Lyons, who goes in the Scotia to-morrow. My surmise as to the connexion between the two events proved correct.

I opened the conversation with a reference to the topic which had occupied us at our last meeting, the remonstrance of Lord Palmerston against a sentiment supposed to have been attributed to him by me on the strength of a statement made by the commander of the Quaker City. Since that time, I said that I had had communication with the government at home, and had received a despatch on the subject which seemed to me finally to dispose of it. I then read the essential parts of it, and expressed the hope that his lordship would communicate the information to Lord Palmerston. His lordship said that he would do so, and that this would dispense with the necessity of saying anything about it through

I then turned in a half serious way to the departure of Lord Lyons, and expressed a hope that he was about to go with a prospect of remaining for some length of time. For myseif I was obliged to confess that I had lately been called somewhat suddenly to the consideration of the condition of my travelling equipage, in certain possible contingencies, which at one moment seemed to approach more nearly than I liked. If I had trusted to the impressions generally prevailing here, directly after the delivery of a certain speech, my conclusions as to my departure would have been absolute. But I preferred to wait until later developments, like those which had since taken place, should give a more

Lord Lyons.

definite idea of the extent of the authority to which it was entitled. The speech of Sir George Lewis had done much to set the balance once more even.

His lordship took my allusion at once, though not without a slight indication of embarrassment. He said that Mr. Gladstone had evidently been much misunderstood. I must have seen in the newspapers the letters which contained his later explanations. That he had certain opinions in regard to the nature of the struggle in America, as on all public questions, just as other Englishmen had, was natural enough. And it was the fashion here for public men to express such as they held in their public addresses. Of course it was not for him to disavow anything on the part of Mr. Gladstone; but he had no idea that in saying what he had, there was a serious intention to justify any of the inferences that had been drawn from it, of a disposition in the government now to adopt a new policy.

I replied that I did not expect a disavowal nor even did I seek to impute to Mr. Gladstone an intention of the kind referred to. At the same time, I could not sufficiently express my great regret at the occurrence on account of the ill effects it was likely to have upon the relations of the two countries. On the one side, it would be reprinted in every newspaper in America, and construed as an official exposition of the policy of the government; and in this view it was scarcely necessary for me to say how much it would tend to increase the irritation already very great there. On the other, it was having a great effect in concentrating the popular inclination in this kingdom which was swaying every day more and more unfavorably to us. I regretted to be obliged to confess that from the day of my arrival, I had observed a regular and steady decline of good will towards the United States. Lord Lyons had been to see me in the morning. Whilst we had united in deploring the respective tendencies on the two sides, we had also joined in expressing our intention to continue our utmost efforts to counteract them. But for my part I was much less sanguine of success when I perceived the influences brought to bear upon opinion here by leading men.

Lord Russell admitted that opinions were much divided and that there had been an unfavorable change to us going on. But he still thought that in most popular meetings the greater number would sympathize with the United States.

To which I replied that, admitting it might be so now, this slight preponderance would soon disappear under the effect of two or three more speeches like that of Mr. Gladstone. Whilst I was willing to acquit him of any deliberate intention to bring on the worst effects, I could not conceal from myself the fact that he was doing it quite as certainly as if he had one.

His lordship intimated as guardedly as possible, that Lord Palmerston and other members of the government regretted the speech, and Mr. Gladstone himself was not disinclined to correct, so far as he could, the misinterpretation which had been made of it. It was still their intention to adhere to the rule of perfect neutrality in the struggle, and to let it come to its natural end without the smallest interference, direct or otherwise. But he could not say what circumstances might happen from month to month in the future. I observed that the policy he mentioned was satisfactory to us, and asked if I was to understand him as saying that no change of it was now proposed. To which he gave his assent.

I remarked that this answer left me nothing more to trouble him with, and then took


leave. I ought to observe that before my interview, I met with Baron Brunnow, the Russian ambassador, in the ante-chamber, and he took me aside on his return from his conference to express his firm belief that the government here intended faithfully to adhere to their policy. He reminded me of a former meeting of the same kind, when I appeared to doubt, and he had said the same thing. So far, he had proved to be right. I admitted the fact, but added that at some future time I might, perhaps, be able to put him in possession of the evidence which had then affected my judgment. I could not do it just now.

The public speeches of members of Parliament to their constituents appear in the papers almost every day. I think they are much more guarded than they were just after Mr. Gladstone's. The general opinion now is that he was very indiscreet. But I see no change in the current. Indeed, nothing short of a very decisive victory in Virginia will avail to check it. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,


Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.

Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward.

No. 249.]



London, October 24, 1862. Sir: It is proper for me to say that I receive from a credible source intimations that some of the escapes from the blockade are known here to have been effected by connivance and bribes to the officers commanding United States Fessels. I know not myself how to account for some of the statements current here in any other way. I feel it my duty to make this representation without meaning to implicate any person in particular, only because the prevalence of such rumors in this country do much harm to the national character.. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,


Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.

Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward.

No. 250.]


London, October 28, 1862. SIR : There is so decided an official tone in the leader in the Globe of Saturday last, that I deem it advisable to put you in possession of it out of the ordinary course. The cabinet meeting which was called for Thursday did not take place; but there can be no doubt that the policy marked out in this publication must have been informally agreed upon for the guidance of Lord Lyons on his departure the same day. Doubtless his lordship will have himself enlightened you before this arrives.

The insurrection in Greece is a new event, not unlikely to be productive of further complications in Europe. The agitation of the eastern question, as indicated in the published correspondence between the Russian and the British cabinets, is also an element of importance in estimating the probabilities of the approaching year. Possibly the rapid increase of clouds in this atmosphere may have had its effect in producing the most decided manifestation of good will to the President that has been made since I have been here. The effect here will be beneficial. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,


Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.



[From the London Daily Globe of October 25.] Lord Lyons leaves England to-day to resume his post as the representative of her Majesty at Washington. We have no doubt that the ability and discretion by which his tenure of that office has been hitherto' marked will continue to stand the country in good stead, and that our intercourse with the President's government will remain as peaceful and uninterrupted as the best friends of England and America could wish. At a moment of great delicacy and difficulty Lord Lyons comported himself to the complete satisfaction of his government and the public, and should he have any similarly grave task before him, he will doubtless fulfil it with equal success. But the principal reason for our confidence in anticipating smoothness in our transatlantic relations is based upon the great improbability of any cause of political differences arising between the government at Washington and our own. We hear, indeed, of something like an inadmissible course of proceeding on the part of Commodore Wilkes in the Bahamas. As yet our information is imperfect, and we are unable positively to say how far that oflicer may have been trying to lay the foundation of a new chapter on international law, based on his own abnormal vier whether he is merely exercising those rights in a somewhat vexatious manner, which are liberally accorded to belligerents by the usages of nations. But we feel sure that if Commodore Wilkes transgresses the fair bounds of warfare, his government will not sanction his acts, and as they repudiated him before, so, if there be occasion, they will repudiate him again. We have the fullest confidence that President Lincoln's government will not act in a manner to impose any unpleasant duty upon our representative at their capital.

On the part of her Majesty's ministers we may feel equally confident that no course will be pursued calculated to give any just cause of offence to the still great state beyond the Atlantic. Up to this our policy as regards the northern States has been clear, wise, and unselfish, and it will continue so. If impres. sions have arisen that any immediate change in our position as regards the belligerents was about to take place, and that Lord Lyons was to carry off in his pocket instructions likely to lead to a crisis on his landing, they have only originated in a kind of superabundant mental agility on the part of some of the public who have turned à fixed plank into a springboard, and have jumped from a minister's plain narration of a fact scarcely to be denied, to an extravagant and unjustifiable hypothesis. Many, no doubt, believed that the meeting of the cabinet appointed for last Thursday would result in the recognition of the southern confederacy, and those who somewhat inconsiderately press such an important step at the present moment upon the government have precedents cut and dried for our taking such a course. There is scarcely a single diplomatic step for which a precedent cannot be unearthed on both sides, and if the gove ernment were merely to follow precedent in a case of such extreme gravity, they would be miserable doctrinaires, instead of statesmen fit to judge of a great question upon its merits and its practical bearings on the vast interests involved. Pedants and enthusiasts may not look at consequences; but those who undertake to guide the councils of a great country must well weigh the advantages, and not only the probable but even the possible effects of what they ecommend. Even those who are most eager for the recognition of the southern States as a member of the family of nations, even those who form the most sanguine estimate of its effects upon our own material interests, must admit that its accomplishment will precipitate upon us a future of great gravity, which it would be almost criminal for us to seek to hasten without the strongest reason and the most solemn consideration. We do not expect to find that her Majesty's government have resolved on such a course, or that they have adopted a policy the very expediency of which is debatable, even if its accomplishment were less difficult. When we speak of its expediency we do not use the word in any narrow or unworthy sense, but as regards the practical effect of the step



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