important part of his career as Member of Congress, serving for about sixteen years, until he received the death stroke on the floor of the House.

To Mr. Adams must be attributed the first suggestions of what has come to be known as the Monroe Doctrine. In 1823 he informed the Russian Minister "that we should contest the rights of Russia to any territorial establishments on this continent and that we should assume distinctly the principle that the American continents are no longer subjects for any new European colonial establishments." This was the precursor of the famous declaration in President Monroe's message.

Ever characterized by independence and devotion to what he believed to be the right, his old age was devoted in no small part to the contest against slavery. With an indomitable spirit and extraordinary power in debate, strong in his absolute conviction of the righteousness of his cause, he was willing to stand alone, unterrified and unconquerable. His chief title to fame rests not upon official honors nor upon his holding the highest office in the nation's gift, but upon his service as the well-equipped and dauntless champion of human rights in our national assembly.

On an occasion like this we are vividly impressed with the fact that monuments may perpetuate names and form imperishable records, but they cannot confer fame or make enduring the respect of mankind. To serve their appropriate purpose they must record what is already written in the hearts of the people and stand as tribute to the continued esteem which alone they are powerless to perpetuate. In the review of our nation's history. short as it is, the potty schemes of political manipulators, the inconsequential victories in conflicts for the spoils of office, and ignoble efforts of selfishness appear in their true proportions. The nation is a sound critic and it pays its final homage to those who with inflexible purpose and fidelity to conscience have devoted their talents unreservedly to the service of the people. The trickster, the intriguer, and those who seek to win by strategy what public confidence will not bestow, quickly pass out of the notoriety which they may temporarily achieve, unless by reason of exceptional ability they may live to point a contrast. The nation is jealous of its ideals, and it never has been more insist

nt upon the straightforward conduct of public affairs than it is to-day. It demands of its representatives single-minded devotion to public duty and a knightly sense of honor in the administration of public office. We should lose no opportunity to enforce the lessons which may be drawn from the lives of those illustrious Americans by whom we as a people have been so richly served. And from their labors, of which these exercises are a fitting recognition, we may draw inspiration which will enable us to go forward undismayed to meet the problems thrust upon us by our rapidly extending activities.

When Governor Hughes ceased speaking, the Seventh Regiment Pand played the "Star Spangled Banner," the whole assembly standing.

Address by Governor Guild.

The Chancellor, in introducing the second speaker, said:

A national tribunal called to designate famous Americans has made choice among forty names of fifteen who were born in Massachusetts. Of the eleven names inscribed to-day no less than five were natives of that State. This striking fact combined with another significant fact, namely: that to-day Massachusetts presents to the world as her chief magistrate a citizen who has sustained the traditions of the past, whether in war or in peace, convinced our Senate that no one in the nation could be more welcome as a speaker in the Hall of Fame at the present time than his Excellency, Curtis Guild, Jr., Governor of Massachusetts.

Governor Guild spoke as follows, his theme being "The Author and Teacher as Builders of a Republic:"

This is Memorial Day. Its beautiful rites consecrate it especially to those who have died for their country in war. The children are taken to Grant's magnificent monument on the heights above the Hudson and to the living bronze on Beacon Hill where Shaw at the head of his brave black soldiers "rides forever, forever rides." And this is well, for if greater love hath no man than this that he will lay down his life for his friend, surely greater patriotism hath no man than this that he will lay down his life for his country.

Yet we may well even on this day recognize another sacrifice without which no government of the people can endure. There has never been a government so inequitable, there has never been despot so vile that some devoted souls have not been found ready to spill their life-blood on the altar of mere loyalty. Autocracies have perpetuated themselves by the blind sentiment that demands the Sacrifice of Death. Republics only live by the clear-eyed common sense that offers the Sacrifice of Lifc. The patriotism of crisis asks of some of us once in a lifetime to face death for the salvation and the glory of the United States of America. The patriotism of progress asks all of us to live our lives not on one day but on every day for the purification and uplift of the United States of America.

Though her fighting men have been first in the field in our three great wars the Bay State has furnished no leader in war so pre-eminently great that his name will live among the world's masters of battle.

We have had our Arnold von Winkelrieds, but never an Alexander or a Washington. We have had our Herve Riels, but never a Themistocles or a Farragut.

So it happens that though it is the good fortune of Massachusetts to have furnished seven of the twelve immortals whose service to our common country is commemorated here and now, their service has been that of those who have ministered not so much to national commerce or conquest as to national intelligence and ideals.

Woe unto the nation without ideals! Defeat and misfortune may for a time cloud the career of a people whose leaders at some crisis lack the ability that commands success, but death is the inevitable end of a nation without a soul.

In these days of trusts and mergers and monopolies, when the industrial and technical almost at the expense of history, literature and morality are emphasized in American education itself, the history of a nation organized merely to make money and to make war is worth recalling.

Twenty-one centuries ago a struggling little republic of Italy faced Carthage, perhaps the most nearly perfect government framed for material development that ever existed. It was a gov

crument of business men. Only merchant princes might aspire to the governing assembly. The masses of the people were taught nothing except to toil and they did toil. Except for the services of the Sacred Band, so-called, a bare brigade, the wars of Carthage were fought by foreign mercenaries hired for the purpose, by Greeks and Gauls and Iberians and Libyans. They needed no pects to celebrate their victories. To the free companies of ancient Africa as of mediæval France or Italy plunder was more attractive than Greek pæan or Roman triumph. The only literature that inspired the hired soldiers of Carthage was the inscription on the hard coin they pouched as pay. Business success, immediate or ancestral, was the golden key the only key to government position. Materially, Carthage was splendidly successful. Without an orator, a poet, a historian, an educator, Carthage extended her dominion from Egypt to the Atlantic. Her merchantmen swept from the Levant to the Pillars of Hercules and beyond. North her ships sailed across the Bay of Biscay to the tin mines of Cornwall, south along the coast of Africa to its uttermost cape, centuries before Prince Henry the Navigator or Vasco de Gama were born, tens of centuries before the American explorer, Paul du Chaillu, had rediscovered along the Gaboon river, the great apes that still bear the ancient Punic name gorilla. Westward there is now good reason to believe that not the Canaries merely but Yucatan were visited by these adventurous Phoenician sailors beside whose voyages the wild sea stories of the Vikings themselves seem but the chronicle of summer cruisings.

They produced great statesmen. They produced great generals who to a nicety mingled and maneuvered Balearic slingers, skirmishers from Gaul, spearmen from Greece, swordsmen from Spain, wild desert cavalry from the Sahara and war elephants from India.

Not even the army of Xerxes himself showed a more wonderful variety of material. No general in any age or time has ever surpassed, many soldiers believe that none have ever equalled, the military attainment of the master mind of Hannibal.

Yet what did the Phoenician people, what did Carthage accomplish for the world? What did they do to make humanity the better or the happier for their existence? They discovered a

purple dye whose secret is forgotten and they invented an alphabet for commercial purposes which only became the vehicle of literature and poetry and thought when another race had recognized its possibilities.

Tyre and Sidon live in the mouths of men but as historic. memories of ineffable vice; Carthage is known only in so far as her enemies have told her story. The boundaries of her domain are unknown. Her discoveries had to be made anew before they could benefit posterity. Her triumphs have left not a mark on the history of civilization. The traces even of her language have vanished almost as utterly as her battlements and palaces.

Not the voice of Cato, the voice of fate it was that cried "Delenda est Carthago," of a nation without education, without popular government, without even a popular literature, but with an acquisitiveness for wealth and power so unscrupulous and insincere that the only memory of the existence of Carthage lives when in the talk of scholars an allusion to "Punic faith" commemorates her dishonor.

The Rome even of Fabius and Scipio was not as well equipped as Carthage in military leadership. It was notoriously weak in diplomats. The race that then and since then supplied its inhabitants has not always succeeded. It has often failed, yet it endures. Even the Roman Empire could not forget the Roman Republic. If there was not a Cato to stimulate virtue there was a Juvenal to flog vice. It is a far cry from Cato to Carducci, yet ever even under the scourge of Goth or Byzantine or Norman, amid the poisonings of the Borgias, the racking by Guelph and Ghibelline, Italy has clung to ideals suppressed but never forgotten.

The Phoenician and his language have vanished from the face of the earth, but not only does the ancient Roman law live in the jurisprudence of the world, but Italy herself stands again among among the nations in fulfillment of the prophecy of Petrarch:

"Virtu contra furore

Prendera l'arme e fia l'combatter corto.

Che l'antico valore,

Negli Italici cor non e ancor morto."

We, too, are harking back to earlier ideals, even to ideals in methods. Physical training and education for women are not