page torn from "the short and simple annals of the poor." At last, urged by his friends - Davis, Swett, Logan, Palmer, Herndon, and others — he let his name be used for the highest office, and was quietly occupied during the spring with that wire-pulling at which he was so adept. Once in the race, he was as vigilant as he had been reluctant, and left no stone unturned, even writing to other States in quest of delegates.1 He went, as a spectator, to the State convention at Decatur on May 9th, and was given a rousing indorsement. When a banner was borne in, inscribed "Abraham Lincoln, the rail Candidate for President in 1860," supported by two weatherbeaten fence rails decorated with ribbons, "from a lot of 3,000 made by Abraham Lincoln and John Hanks in the Sangamon Bottom, in the year 1830," the convention went wild. course, Lincoln had to make a speech, and the State delegation, the list of names having been approved by him, was instructed to "use all honorable means" to secure him the honor.

Of

One week later the National Convention met at Chicago, in a large two-story frame building, called, without apparent reason or propriety, the "Wigwam," erected for the purpose at the corner of Market and Lake streets. This was the first time any great party had convened its national assembly in the West, and it was a notable gathering. Even the Times, the Douglas organ, complimented a body which contained such men as Evarts, Thurlow Weed, Greeley, Giddings, Ashmun,

1 Among those to whom he wrote was the notorious Mark Delahay of Kansas, offering to furnish $100 to bear his expenses to Chicago in case he was appointed a delegate. These letters were given in the Herndon and Weik biography (Vol. II, pp. 68-9), but the name of Delahay was omitted. Years later Senator Ingalls refused to believe that Lincoln had any dealings with Delahay until he saw the actual letters, and even then he could hardly believe his eyes. After he was elected Lincoln consulted Delahay about appointments in Kansas, appointing Delahay himself Surveyor-General. - Life of John Brown, by F. B. Sanborn, p. 184 (1910). Lincoln was not squeamish in such matters, nor was he always a good judge of men. It is probable, however, that he did not know what manner of man Delahay was, for he had no ear for local political gossip.

Wilmot, Corwin, Blair, Andrews, Boutwell, and others of equal fame. In these despites, it was soon evident that there would be the usual display of electioneering arts, the usual bargaining, and more than the usual uproar.1 Seward was the most eminent man of the party and its natural candidate, and his friends, led by the astute and experienced Thurlow Weed, seemed to have everything their own way. Lincoln had only the support of Illinois, and even some of the Illinois delegation personally preferred Seward; 2 but he had a chance if Seward did not win on the first ballot.

Lincoln headquarters were at the Tremont House, five blocks from the Wigwam, and his friends worked "like nailers," as Oglesby said. David Davis, Stephen T. Logan, Leonard Swett, Norman Judd, Jesse K. Dubois were leaders, with W. H. Herndon as the personal representative of his partner. They opened a political huckster shop and began to dicker for votes, having the aid of Greeley, who was in favor of "anybody to beat Seward," and he thought Edward Bates, of Missouri, was the man to do it. Herndon and Koerner did much to argue him out of that notion in favor of Lincoln. By dextrous trades and promises the Lincoln men secured the Indiana delegation, while the Seward forces were parading with banners and bands. Dubois telegraphed to Lincoln that they could get the Cameron delegates from Pennsylvania if they might promise Cameron a cabinet position. Lincoln replied: "I authorize no bargains and will be bound by none." Not content with this, he sent a copy of the Missouri Democrat to

1 There are many descriptions of the Chicago convention. For a contemporary account, see Conventions of 1860, by Murat Halstead; for the workings of the platform committee, see Reminiscences, by Schurz, Vol. II, pp. 175-86 (1909); for the German influence, see Memoirs of Koerner, Vol. II, pp. 84-93 (1909); for the causes of the defeat of Seward, see Autobiography of Weed (1884), and Life of Seward, by F. Bancroft, Vol. I, pp. 520-45 (1900); and the biographies of Lincoln, especially Arnold and Whitney who were present. Seward men attribated their downfall to Greeley, who had a grudge against their candidate, but Greeley said that his influence was exaggerated. Recollections

of a Busy Life, p. 390 (1869).

2 Lincoln, and Men of War Times, by A. K. McClure, p. 23.

Herndon with three extracts from Seward's speeches marked, and on the margin of which he had written, "I agree with Seward's 'irrepressible conflict,' but do not agree with his 'higher law' doctrine. Make no contracts that will bind me."

Everybody was mad, of course.

What was to be done? The bluff Dubois said: "Damn Lincoln!" The polished Swett said, in mellifluous accents: "I am very sure if Lincoln was aware of the necessities" The critical Logan expectorated viciously, and said, "The main difficulty with Lincoln is Herndon ventured: "Now, friend, I'll answer that.” But Davis cut the Gordian knot by brushing all aside with: "Lincoln ain't here, and don't know what we have to meet, so we will go ahead, as if we hadn't heard from him, and he must ratify it." The Cameron contingent was secured for Lincoln on the second vote.1 On the third day, when the balloting was to take place, while the Seward men were parading the Lincoln men filled up the Wigwam, and their rivals had hard work to get in. Two men with voices like fog-horns, hired for service, had been placed at strategic points, instructed to yell for Lincoln when B. C. Cook, who sat on the platform, took his handkerchief from his pocket. Evarts nominated Seward, and there was loud and prolonged cheering. But when Norman Judd named Lincoln there went such a series of yells as had never been heard before, low rates on the railroads having brought thousands of men from all over the State to the city for that specific purpose. The Seward howlers, led by Tom Hyer the pugilist, were dismayed. Several States nominated "favorite sons" Dayton of New Jersey, Cameron of Pennsylvania, Chase of Ohio, Bates of Missouri, Collamer of Vermont, McLean of Ohio but the real contest was between Seward and Lincoln. On the first ballot the vote stood, Seward 1732, Lincoln 102. Thousands of men were keeping count, and on the second ballot the votes of Cameron came to Lincoln by agreement, which with other changes made the result, Seward 1842, Lincoln 181. The third ballot gave Lincoln 2312, which brought him within one and a half votes of the nomination. Where

1 Life of Lincoln, by W. C. Whitney, p. 289 (1907).

upon David Cartter changed four votes from Chase to Lincoln, and he was the nominee. Evarts, of New York, moved to make it unanimous, and the brass cannon on the roof of the Wigwam thundered the salute which set the city wild with joy. After naming Hannibal Hamlin for second place, the convention adjourned, and at every station as the delegates went home there were tar barrels burning, boys carrying rails, and guns, great and small, banging away.1

Lincoln had played ball most of the day, perhaps to work off the intense excitement that possessed him. Early in the afternoon he went to the telegraph office to await the outcome of the first ballot. It was evident that he was encouraged by the result. Soon news of the second ballot arrived, and he showed by his manner that he regarded the contest as won. He went with Charles Zane to the Journal office, and it was there that he received the final news of his high call, with a calmness not untouched with sadness. Looking at the telegram a moment, he said, "There is a little woman down on Eighth street who will be glad to hear this news," and strode away to tell her. In Washington Douglas was saying, "There won't be a tar barrel left in Illinois tonight!"

V

As for the Democracy, it was now "a house divided against itself," built apparently upon sand and tottering to a fall. The Southern wing nominated John C. Breckenridge, of Kentucky, on a radical pro-slavery platform, while the Northern wing named Douglas, on a platform of "popular sovereignty" -thus fulfilling the prediction of Lincoln, that the Senator would have "the pill of sectionalism crowded down his own throat." As if to make confusion worse confounded, John Bell, of Tennessee, and Edward Everett, of Massachusetts the "Kangaroo Ticket," as it was called, because the "hind legs were the longest" were put forward by a class of gentlemen some of whom thought slavery was right, and others of whom thought it wrong, but all agreeing that the trouble came 1 Conventions of 1860, by Murat Halstead, p. 154.