possess, until Russia has conquered and garrisoned the Bosphorus, and not even then; for they would still be liable to attacks by the Danube. The Caspian, moreover, commands the Euxine, and this quality of the inland sea has never been fully observed, or publicly stated, by our politicians. It is dependent, indeed, upon the strength of Persia and Turkey, and their feelings towards Russia. If the Turks are capable of defending their territories in Asia from any army that Russia can accumulate on the Caspian, the latter is not a key to the Euxine; but if the Sultan is unable to resist the Muscovite strength in Asia, we scarcely need to say that the Bosphorus may be turned and won from the East. If the Sultan's Government were capable and energetic, they would fortify the position remaining to them of the Caspian shores, and have their own ships upon its waters. Many years will, however, pass before they have recovered from their lethargy sufficiently to offer an effective resistance upon the Caspian itself, or farther from the Euxine than Erzeroum and Kars.

The purposes of Russia for a time would be promoted by the annexation of Persia, and by every step taken towards this success. The Persian Government has been long subjected to the successful diplomacy of Russia. The Shah is apparently very like the representatives of effete families everywhere. A vigorous monarch in Teheran would check Russia. A Dost Mohammed would have been a barrier for many years. Runjeet Singh, probably, could have interposed an effective resistance to the Muscovites. Mehemet Ali would have done better than either of his Asiatic contemporaries; and he might have raised Persia from being the footstool of the Romanoffs to the rival of Russia. The magnitude of the Persian land is overlooked by many of our authorities on political combinations. It touches the Caspian on the north, and the Indian Ocean on the south. The land is said to be barren by some, and fertile by others. The surface, probably, presents abundant evidence of both statements. The Persians have long been sunk under "the anarchy of despotism." Christianity was trampled out by violence; and the land lost its hope of progress with its faith. We have no reason to suppose that the arts and sciences of the Persians are equal now to those of their ancestry. We even know that they have degenerated rapidly. Still, Persia contains many fertile regions. The late Henry Martyn wrote when upon his missionary

tour in that country :

On descending into the plain of Nackshau, my attention was seized by the appearance of a hoary mountain in front, at the other end, rising so high above the rest that they sunk into nothing. It was truly sublime, and the interest it excited was not less, when, on inquiring its name, I was told it was Agir, or Ararat. At four in the afternoon we set out for Shurror. The evening was pleasant; the ground over which we passed was full of rich cultivation and verdure, watered by many a stream, and containing forty villages, most of them with the csual appendage of gardens. I fancied many a spot where Noah perhaps offered his sacri

57

fices; and the promise of God, "that seed time, and harvest should not cease" appeared to me more anxiously fulfilled in the agreeable plain where it was spoken than elsewhere, as I had not seen such fertility in any part of the Shah's dominions.

He had, however, found many fertile tracts; and the accomplished and enthusiastic missionary was an observant man. A vast portion of the land is desolate, and without inhabitants-desolate because it is destitute of population; yet Persia comprises many delightful districts-each of them equal in breadth and length to a German principality. It would be very curious indeed if the land were not remarkable for its native fertility; since the great district of Eden is comprised probably within its frontiers, and the land known by that name to the ancients forms part of its provinces.

The late Sir John Malcolm, in a diplomatic letter to Count Woronzoff, whom he had met in Persia, assigus the want of fertility in the Persian land as a reason why the Russians could not conveniently invade India from that quarter; but the writer referred doubtless to the districts affording the nearest road to India from the Russian frontiers, as the crow flies; but the Cossacks are not absolutely required to follow the crows. The danger arises not only from an influx of armed men over the north-western frontiers, which has occurred repeatedly, but also from the possession of the Persian Gulf by a hostile power with some maritime pretences, and at the present date, if we are correctly informed, with a naval station in the Chinese seas.

Our Government, in endeavouring to promote the Euphratean valley railway of eighty miles, involving an outlay of not quite £650,000, in the first instance, desire to have routes from and to India. They doubt whether Egypt may be always open upon friendly terms; and if its rulers never be out of alliance with us, still, a little competition in trade is useful.

Those politicians who look a little before them consider that our danger from future military movements is to be found in Persia, and on the Persian Gulf.

They cannot doubt the existence of Russian influence at Teheran. It is visible in the attack upon Herat, as it has been visible in the Persian policy for many years. We are at war with Persia, and like fire, hostilities once commenced may spread. Russia promises to assist meaning, to devour Persia, and thereby to reach India. Neither Austria, nor France, care for Russian progress to the eastward of Heddekel, or Tigris, for a time. They see not that conquest there would soon be supremacy on the Mediterranean; would soon be victory at Constantinople. They could not help Stamboul if it were assailed from the East; and it would be of little importance whether they could, or could not then help the Turk when he had nothing left to be helped in. Austria in an agony of disappointment might accept both banks of the Danube and Thessaly in

order to preserve the balance of power for three years. France in the crisis of Asiatic danger, might seek a compensation in Africa; and stake against the waters of the Euphrates, those of the Nile. A British diplomatist of a determined character would seek the developement of the Euphratean Valley route, to prevent all this mischief. It brings us nearer our enemy by four weeks, or five, than even Egypt; and although some difficulties may arise for a time in passing through a neutral country, yet Turkey cannot long be neutral in this

contest.

We have also upon our hands a battle against African slavery in America. It is daily waged upon the Exchanges and in our ports. If we could replace with free grown cotton, that of slave production, this foe would be nearly beaten. A railway from the Euphrates to the Mediterranean would increase the production of cotton in the region of that river. This process would impart prosperity to Turkey, which we want to be strong, or stronger than at present.

George Cauning had credit for calling a new

world into existence, when he acknowledged the independence of the Spanish and Portuguese colonies in South America. That world is one of growth so slow that George Canning as yet has little credit, except for intention, by the proceeding. The statesmen who may call Mesopotamia into reexistence will achieve a greater triumph, or one that will be more directly and immediately felt. The commercial advantages likely to spring from the plains of Mesopotamia under tillage, might induce the Government to favour the direction of our existing business into the old and long dry channels; for they like, Hindostan itself, require the means of cheap conveyance before they can exhibit the results of good cultivation. Although wars had ceased for ever, roads would be requisite through the deserts, before they could bloom for any good, social purpose; and over the wildernesses, ere they could rejoice in temporal matters-and the vast region having its name, like the Punjuab, from its rivers, in its present state is a loss to civilisation, and a reproach to the world, that all prudent men may desire to have once more removed.

DOMESTIC.

In

DECEMBER in Europe began with weather hard as iron, or as the mill stones. In the east of Scotland the snow of November was deeper, and in the west its frosts severer, than the oldest inhabitant" had ever experienced in that month of early winter. In the east several persons perished in the snow. In the west curlers and skaters began operations with the prospect of a long run. England several fatalities occurred by beginning too soon. Suddenly in the present month, the wind swept round in hurricanes by night, and gales by day; coming hot along the gulf stream from the American tropics, and the fret-work, the crystals, and the pearls of the frost, along with the mantle of the snow, melted away. The change has not been so complete on the continent, where unusually severe weather prevails. An early and a hard winter distinguished the season in North America.

Public intelligence of a domestic character is meagre. The parliamentary recess has nearly reached its termination, and speculation regarding the future course of the ministry supplies the place of actual events. The Cabinet meet frequently, and are assiduously drilled on some subject. The plague of gout prevails in the Peers, and the want of a healthy leader for the upper house threatens inconvenience. Lord Panmure wants, like Cincinnatus, to return to the plough; and few persons with the same principality of good land to be ploughed, could resist the temptation. Lord John

Russell would rather not yet ascend out of the turmoil of the Commons. He is not quite old enough. Lord Granville dislikes the labour. The Duke of Argyle likes it rather too well. The Earl of Carlisle will be withdrawn from Ireland to strengthen the position, according to some parties; but according to the Irish again, this Sassenach Earl is just the man for Ireland; and nobody else can fill his place, which must not be considered a hospital for the sick.

The premier has strengthened his friends on the Episcopal Bench by judicious appointments; and at the same time disappointed the hopes of the medieval party. They imagined that their old ceremonials, incense, tapers, and other material devices had got into favour with such men as the premier, who, we suppose, had privately intimated to them that floral ecclesiasticalism was very pretty in a little place upon a small scale; but when work had to be done, and evil to be met among a large population, it was simply useless-that is to say, in his opinion, and with a profusion of civil words he keeps to his own opinion.

A statue of Sir Charles Napier of Scinde has been unveiled in Trafalgar-square, during this month. The spare space around the Nelson monument is, we presume, to be occupied with a crowd of minor heroes, yet we regret that Sir Charles Napier should anywhere be overlooked. He was not a minor man.

Christmas week is not one of work, and the month closed dully, therefore, in business; and more

thousand pounds by a very common felony, is already in penal servitude. Robson, the famous fast man of the Crystal Palace Company, has ere new become accustomed to the doings of the penitentiary. They are only large operators in at business now too common, namely, that of swindling. A number of remarkable cases for limited sums have occurred at Liverpool. In London the collectors of poor rates for the City union, have contrived to pocket fifty thousand pounds by keeping one cheque book for the auditors and another for themselves. Other cases of equal turpitude, but of less amount, have occurred there.

THE COLONIES AND UNITED STATES.

Judge Haliburton, the author of the most amusing delineations of North American life, north and south of the frontier, has pleaded the cause of Colonial Union before the Manchester people, in an address that partly by its inherent power, partly from the want of matter in the press, has made a noise out of Manchester, and shown that the extension of the British Union has many friends.

The last message of the United States President Pierce is unusually long; and re-asserts in official language the views of the successful democrats. Its allusions to foreign affairs are not, however, so aspiring as in the circumstances mankind expected. A sad calamity has occurred at Canton. The city has been bombarded on three days, aad twentythree war junks have been sunk by our fleets, in consequence of violent measures against our flag by the Viceroy. We have only telegraphic accounts, without details.

An insurrection of negroes, in the United States, has been suspected, and thereupon many persons have been hung.

PERSIA AND RUSSIA.

Foreign affairs find their centre again in Russia That country is blamed for invoking the Persian war, to be revenged of Britain, by one party. By another the Russian ensign for the time is described as a lambkin. The credulity of these good people is equal to anything in its line, ancient or modern. Many of them would consider the encampment of a Russian army at Dalkeith as rather an advantage than otherwise, being calculated to increase trade, until they discovered that their customers were born to consume the fruits but not to pay for them; and they might make the discovery too late for consols.

Russia wields Persia-Persia attacks Herat ; Herat is a key to Affghanistan; Affghanistan is a key to India. These are so many facts. Persia is coveted by Russia, and can be conquered easier by protection than by any other means. It must, however, be placed in danger before it can use protection. Therefore the Persian Government is persuaded to break a treaty with the British Go vernment, which the former does, vi et armis, without reason or rhyme. These are all plain facts. Now, indeed, we are told that Persia is particularly

willing to restore Herat. Perhaps the restoration is too late for good. The defenders of the place may be killed. Their fortifications may be rendered useless. We know not that these dismal possibilities may represent occurrences; but it is absurd to suppose that the British Government rush needlessly into a war with Persia; that may soon become a war with Russia. A British Ministry before a general election would naturally court peace. Let us admit no higher motive on their part; at least they have the motive of majorities, unless we are all ambitious and belligerent; enamoured of the income tax and of war, which we are not. Our Government proved their expectancy of peace by disbanding the foreign legions, dismissing the militia, and reducing the army. They would have found pretences for the maintenance of these forces if they had planned the restoration of hostilities in 1857; yet they have been virtually restored in 1856, and the year closes, as it commenced, in war. The expedition to the Persian Gulf is said to have seized a number of places on the Persian coast, which in the meantime will exist as material guarantees, in retentis, until the mischief done at Herat by Persia be so far as possible undone.

THE PRUSSIANS AND SWISS.

The Prussians and the Swiss have ceased to hold diplomatic intercourse, and the Swiss have replied to the threatenings from Berlin and Paris, by ordering ten thousand men to each of the threatened frontiers. Viscount Palmerston is charged as usual, with invigorating the resistance of the Swiss authorities to the counsels of France and the designs of Prussia. This is the ordinary opinion

on all such cases on the continent. Viscount Palmerston wishes the whole business at the dogs. It spoils the festive recess of cabinets and law courts. What has he to do, with the German Count and his followers who endeavoured to revolutionise Neufchatel-a canton belonging de facto to Switzerland; who were defeated, who were taken, who are about to be tried, and whose trial the Prussian King hopes to prevent by the argument of a hundred thousand bayonets. With all these discordances onr Premier can have no interest unless he really wishes a rod in pickle for the despotic Powers of the continent; and if that idea possess his mind, with present prospects in the Orient, he could not be altogether blamed at home.

DURING the last month, the death of Dr. Harris, the author of "Mammon," and the President of the Independent Theological College; and of Mr. Hugh Miller, the editor of the "Witness," Edinburgh-the first lecturer and writer on geology in Scotland-have left places in literature that will not be occupied soon. Dr. Harris died on the 13th, and Mr. Miller apparently on the 24th. The intellect of the latter gentleman had evidently