Mr. Dayton to Mr. Sward. [Extracts.] No. 329.] PARIS, July 30, 1863. SIR: Your messenger, Mr. Cox, arrived in Paris on Saturday night last with your despatches Nos. 368 and 369. Upon careful examination of their contents I found that I had, in a great measure, anticipated your instructions, and communicated to you the result in my despatch of. July 2, No. 323. Indeed, upon reading that despatch to Mr. Cox he said at once that had it been received before he left the country you would not, probably, have sent him to Europe. After consulting with him I deemed it most prudent, especially in view of the late favorable news from the United States, not to make a formal application to M. Drouyn de l'Huys for a special interview in reference to the subject-matter of your despatch, but to wait until his regular reception day, and then, in connexion with other business at the foreign office, introduce the subject incidentally. This I have done. I then called his attention to the fact that the journals of our country were now largely commenting upon the position and purposes of the Emperor in reference to the acknowledgment of the independence of the south, and that certain matters in connexion with the conversation between the Emperor and Messrs. Roebuck and Lindsay, as reported by them, were calculated to induce a belief that the Emperor wished to acknowledge the south, and was he'd back by England only. I further stated that it had been reported, from most reliable sources, that Baron Gros had said the Emperor would make another proposition to England to act with him in acknowledging the south, and, if she would not do it, he would act alone. That these matters were calculated to create unpleasant feeling in the United States towards the imperial government, and, if not true, I thought it desirable for the interests of both countries that they be corrected. I furthermore asked him distinctly what was the policy of the Emperor in reference to the south. You will observe that in this way I reached the subject-matter without saying I had had any formal instructions from my government to interrogate France on these questions. The answer of Mr. Drouyn de l'Huys was, in substance, as follows: He said that the Emperor had at no time made any proposition to England to acknowledge the south. That when Messrs. Roebuck and Lindsay came over they pressed him hard to do so. They said England was ready to acknowledge the south, and would do so if it were not believed that France would refuse to follow. That if he would but say the word, their proposition for acknowledgment (then pending in the House of Commons) would pass at once. He answered that he had given England no cause to believe he would not act with her; that the only proposition as to any action in our affairs had been made by him to England and been rejected by her. They then urged that he should make the proposition for acknowledgment to England, which he declined to do. They then asked if they might communicate his views. He answered to this, merely, that his views on the subject were no secret; but Mr. Drouyn de l'Huys says he never dreamed of their attempting to use them, as they afterwards did, in the House of Commons. He furthermore told them that he would not act alone upon any important matters, either on the continent or in America, and more especially would he not act alone in our affairs. As to the remarks attributed to Baron Gros, he would scarcely permit me to finish the statement of what they were. He began shaking his head as I went on, and, at the close, promptly said, Baron Gros never made such remarks. He had never said anything of the kind, official or unofficial, public or private, as if knowing the views of the baron on this question. He disclaimed the statement for him in the most positive and explicit manner. In answer to my question as to the policy of the Emperor in reference to the south, he said he had none'; he waited on events." This, you may remember, I long since apprised you was, in my judgment, what he was doing, but I confess I began to fear that, unless events mended, he might think that he had waited about long enough. After some other remarks and questions by Mr. Drouyn de l'Huys as to our recent successes, (the importance of which, especially that at Vicksburg, he seemed fully to appreciate,) our conversation closed. * I commit this despatch to Mr. Cox, though it will not, perhaps, reach you in that way quite as early as by our ordinary means of conveyance. I am, sir, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, WILLIAM L. DAYTON. Secretary of State, &c. Mr. Dayton to Mr. Seward. No. 331.] PARIS, August 4, 1863. SIR: Having received a communication from our consul at Liverpool, containing a statement of facts which would seem to indicate a purpose on the part of the Messrs. Laird to get out, fraudulently, under French papers and the French flag, one of the iron rams now being built there for the confederates, I have this morning called the attention of Mr. Drouyn de l'Huys to the subject. I write only to say that he has promised it his prompt attention. I am, sir, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State, &c., &c. WILLIAM L. DAYTON. Mr. Dayton to Mr. Seward. [Extracts.] No. 332.] PARIS, August 4, 1863. SIR: Your despatches from No. 370 to No. 375, both inclusive, are duly received. The last-named despatch contains a copy of yours to Mr. Adams, No. 657, (being a resumé of the military condition of things in the United States,) for which I am much obliged. Neither of the other despatches contemplates a reply. The cheering news which has come in upon us within the last fortnight has, of course, much changed the current of public feeling abroad. Now the hopes of the European enemies of our institutions are centred in the spirit of mob-violence, which, it is assumed, pervades our whole country, rendering it impossible, as supposed, to carry out the conscription. I trust, most sincerely, that there has not been the least truckling to, or compromise with, this new element of secession. It would be more dangerous, in its ultimate effects on our institutions, than the spirit which has fomented secession per se. It is the sore point, or what has been considered by the political philosophers of the Old World as the weak place in our institutions. Let what will happen, the spirit of mob-violence must be put down at all hazards. fail in this emergency! I am, sir, your obedient servant. Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, No. 333.] * Secretary of State, &c., &r. God grant that we may not WILLIAM L. DAYTON. Mr. Dayton to Mr. Seward. PARIS, August 5, 1863. SIR: Your despatch No. 374 refers, among other things, to the formal correction, authorized by you, of the statement made by Mr. Roebuck in the House of Commons, that the Emperor complained of the British government having disloyally communicated to you a confidential despatch of the French government. I read your statement to Mr. Drouyn de l'Huys, although it was scarcely necessary. We had heretofore talked the matter over, and the misstatement of Mr. Roebuck was well understood. What rendered this statement of that gentleman the more extraordinary is the fact that, after the most diligent search, no other despatch, as Mr. Drouyn de l'Huys informs me, can be found in the foreign office of this government to which his statement can possibly apply. And Mr. Layard, you will recollect, made a like statement as to the files in the British foreign office. Take it all in all, it was the most futile and abortive attempt to help on the recognition of the south that men in prominent position ever made. Still, that exposé in the Moniteur, to which you refer, while denying much of the statement made by these gentlemen, admits the readiness of the Emperor to follow England, if England believes that such acknowledgment of the south would end the war. I am, sir, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State, &c. * WILLIAM L. DAYTON. No. 386.] Mr. F. W. Seward to Mr. Dayton. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, August 18, 1863. SIR: Your despatch of the 4th instant (No. 331) has been received. Your prompt proceeding, therein reported, is approved. The attention of the Secretary of the Navy has been drawn to the matter. SIR: Your despatch No. 378 has been duly received, and I have called Mr. Drouyn de l'Huys's attention to the subject therein referred to. He assures me that France has no purpose or design upon the independence of the republic of Ecuador. That should any change in its territory take place, or should it be absorbed in another government, as in the republic of Colombia, this would not, in the language of Baron Gowry du Roslan, their minister, pass unobserved by the government of France, but its observation of such events would apply only to such change of ministers or agents as the absorption of two governments into one might render necessary. If they had any claims against the country or territory so absorbed, they would reserve the right to press them, of course. But he said he recollected nothing of a special character in the despatches of Baron Gowry du Roslan on these subjects; he would, however, examine them further. It is not improbable or unnatural that, in view of the course of France in Mexico, the republics of Central America may have become alarmed for their future. They look, therefore, with great suspicion and distrust upon the language of all French officials, which seems to imply a purpose upon the part of the Emperor to interfere further. In this connexion I should add, that Mr. Drouyn de l'Huys took occasion again to say that France had no purpose in Mexico other than heretofore stated; that she did not mean to appropriate permanently any part of that country, and that she should leave it as soon as her griefs were satisfied, and she could do so with honor. In the abandon of a conversation somewhat familiar I took occasion to say that in quitting Mexico she might leave a puppet behind her. He said no; the strings would be too long to work. He added they had had enough of colonial experience in Algeria; that the strength of France was in her compact body and well-defined boundary. In that condition she had her resources always at command. There is much force in the suggestion, as applied to this government, which is so emphatically a military power. You will put upon this conversation as to Mexico your own construction, and draw your own inferences. It seemed to me, however, that Mr. Drouyn de l'Huys was disposed to avail himself of the opportunity to relieve, as far as possible, the suspicion and distrust which our government might, from late events, naturally entertain of the purposes of France in that country. * No. 334.] PARIS, August 20, 1863. SIR: I read to Mr. Drouyn de l'Huys to-day your despatch No. 380, expressing the sentiment of the President in reference to the explanation in the "Moniteur" of the views and purposes of the Emperor in respect to the south, and his conversation with Messrs. Roebuck and Lindsay. I furthermore reminded Mr. Drouyn de l'Huys of the fact that your despatch, which stated that our government would consider the acknowledgment of the south as an unfriendly act, was but the re-assertion of that which had been said to him before. In answer, he said that any discussion of this subject was now "academic" only, leading to nothing practical; but that he would submit the contents of your despatch to the Emperor. For this purpose I left with him, at his request, a copy. Mr. Dronyn de l'Huys took occasion again to say that he much regretted that that private conversation had been made public. I told him that I feared the effect had been to occasion an unpleasant distrust among my countrymen as to the feelings and purposes of his Majesty, and that this publication in the "Moniteur" was calculated not to diminish, but to strengthen that distrust. I told him it looked very much as if the Emperor were prompting Great Britain to acknowledge the south, by suggesting that France would follow; it was a sort of informal offer of alliance for a purpose unfriendly to us. He said that this was not, in fact, so, though the explanation in the "Moniteur" might possibly bear such a construction; but he said the Emperor had been answering Mr. Roebuck's averment that England would not acknowledge the confederates because she feared France would not follow. His intended answer was, in substance: England has no right to say so, because my proposition for mediation is all that has been done, and that was declined by her. He meant, in what he said, to imply that each country should bear its own burdens. But Mr. Drouyn de l'Huys then added, this all grows out of the wrongful publication of a mere private unofficial conversation. There is no doubt, said he, that in such conversation the Emperor would, through a natural courtesy, rather lean towards the views or prepossessions of the parties with whom he was talking, and when it became necessary for him to explain in the "Moniteur" what the conversation actually was," he would not falsify." But, said Mr. Drouyn de l'Huys, if propositions had been made in an official shape, calling for action, he would probably have been more guarded, and given to them a different, or, at least, more grave consideration; he might have said no, these things demand reflection. The above is the substance of the conversation on this point, although more passed, but nothing of an importance demanding or justifying my reducing it to writing in the form of a despatch. I am, sir, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. Seward, Secretary of State, &c., &c., &c. WM. L. DAYTON. No. 337.] Mr. Dayton to Mr. Seward. PARIS, August 25, 1863. SIR: I was telegraphed yesterday by our vice-consul at Brest that the rebel steamer Florida, with her machinery damaged, had come into that port for repairs; that she had a crew of 128 men and 24 passengers. The telegraphic operator announced from Queenstown on the 18th that this vessel was off Kinsale on the preceding day, and had there transferred three of her passengers to a pilot-boat. Immediately on receiving notice of her presence in the roadstead of Brest, I went to the foreign office, but, unfortunately, Mr. Drouyn de l'Huys had left Paris for a week's absence, and left no person specially in charge of the foreign department Under the circumstances, therefore, I saw M. le Baron d'André, chief of the cabinet of the ministry of foreign affairs, and protested against any favor or hospitality being extended to this piratical vessel. He said, however, that France, like England, had recognized the confederates as belligerents. I told him that my government had not, and therefore I made the protest in this form; but if, in recognizing them as belligerents, the government' of France should feel constrained to afford them any relief, I suggested that it should be confined within the narrowest limits that humanity would dictate. I told him that if relief were extended beyond the most restricted bounds, France would soon find that this was but the "beginning of the end;" that one of her ports had now been chosen as a rendezvous in preference to a port of England, under the impression, I presumed, that they would be better received. Baron d'Andre said he had no authority in the premises, and could do no |