as happened lately in the case of the Creole. On other occasions, they are sent down the western rivers, often in large floats, rudely constructed, making only one voyage, and broken up on arrival. Several instances, however, occurred of successful rebellion on board, and steamers are now considered more eligible, no objection being made in the most splendid of these vessels to slaves composing part of the cargo. They are either chained or obliged to remain in the humblest quarters of the vessel,-perhaps associated with animals. The mode of transport, however, involving the severest hardships, is that by land on foot. Here the party, or coffle, as it is termed, marches in two files, united by one chain, reaching between them through their whole length, and connected by handcuffs with the slave on each side. The band is thus so well secured, that two or three men, well armed, will drive hundreds in safety. We are disinclined to believe that in this or any other conveyance the slaves will be exposed to serious injury, since, immediately on their arrival, they must be exposed to sale, and their price will materially depend on their good condition. It is easy to conceive, however, that much rough usage, suffering, and degradation are likely to be their lot.*

It must, moreover, be observed that the improvement in the general treatment is confined to the old and more northerly states. Those newly formed in the west and south are devoted to the culture of cotton and sugar, which is carried on with eager avidity as a great mercantile speculation. These products require peculiarly hard labour, especially during the period of picking the one substance, and extracting the other. Through the rest of the year, the toil is comparatively light; but this very circumstance produces a temptation to keep a moderate stock, and strain their tasks to the very utmost during the hard-working interval. Even the pro

Slavery, &c., pp. 13-18, 45-65. Arfwedson, United States, &c., p. 325-328. American Almanac, 1842, p. 137.

fessedly humane law of Louisiana, securing to the slave two and a half hours in the twenty-four, proves the extent to which this system is liable to be carried. The Anti-slavery Committee positively assert, that the negroes do not keep up their numbers, and that it is systematically considered more profitable to import than to breed; but those zealous persons have, we imagine, viewed partial cases as extending to the whole community. There does, however, seem ground to suspect, that the same consideration is not shown to the female sex, nor the same attention to the rearing of children as elsewhere. Although there has been a great increase in the number between 1830 and 1840, yet it is not in the like proportion as between 1820 and 1830. The latter is about three-tenths, the other little more than two-tenths. When we consider that, in the old states during this period, extraordinary encouragement was given to the rearing of slaves, we are the more led to suspect, that in the new ones the increase by births was not large.

The importation of foreign negroes, though prohibited by law, is still in some measure clandestinely practised. It is well known, and is admitted by President Van Buren in his last address, that the American flag covers a great part of the trade still carried on from Africa ; and multitudes are thus introduced into Cuba, whence the opportunities of contraband transportation into the southern states must be very great. The coast of Florida and the mouth of the Mississippi are mentioned as the places where the landings are chiefly effected; and the lowest estimates, probably nearest the truth, make the annual number 13,000.*

There is yet another evil of no common magnitude to which the negro race is subjected. A certain proportion of them, both in the southern and northern states, have attained to the condition of freedom. These in

Slavery, &c., p. 18, &c. ; 74, &c. Presidents' Messages, p. 701.

1842 amounted to 186,457 males and 199,778 females; in all, 386,235. By law they are admitted to all the privileges of free citizens, but by public opinion and usage are held in a state of degradation almost as severe as that of the slave. No white man will hold any communication or speak with them on terms of equality; and they can find employment only as menial servants, or in the most humble capacities. If they set up a trade, no white man employs them; if they open a shop, he will not enter it; if they commence a manufacture, he will not work under them. Should they enter a barber's shop, he drives them out with contumely, observing that were he to serve them, all his white customers would desert him. Even those who attain to wealth are not at all advanced in respect to society. They are not permitted to travel in the same public coach with whites, and in a steamer are confined to the deck. A mulatto, son to a Haytian general, having arrived at New York, was refused admittance into any hotel, and with great difficulty found lodging with a poor old woman. On going to the theatre, his money was flung in his face, and he was desired to seek a seat in the upper gallery. The elective franchise is allowed only in some states; and even where nominally granted, can seldom, it is said, be safely exercised. The benefits of education are almost entirely withheld, they being scarcely ever admitted to colleges or schools established for the whites; while they can scarcely form for themselves respectable seminaries, or indeed any at all, unless in the large cities. Even in the house of God they are not admitted on that footing of equality, to which all human beings are entitled. Where they cannot support a church for themselves, they must occupy a humble and separate quarter, into which no other class ever enters. After this they are reproached with being generally ignorant, and a large proportion becoming amenable to public justice; though it is obvious that their oppressors have at least greatly contributed to produce those evils which they now allege in justification of their

treatment. Another defence is, that their Creator has placed an antipathy between the two races, in yielding to which they only follow the divine appointment. The abolitionists, however, well observe: "In no country in Europe is any man excluded from refined society, or deprived of literary, religious, or political privileges on account of the tincture of his skin. If this prejudice is the fiat of the Almighty, most wonderful is it, that of all the kindreds of the earth none have been found submissive to the heavenly impulse, excepting the white inhabitants of North America; and of these it is no less strange than true, that this divine principle of repulsion is most energetic in such persons as in other respects are the least observant of their Maker's will." It is an extraordinary circumstance, that this contempt of the negro is carried farthest among the free states of the north, and is less conspicuous towards those in the south who have obtained their liberty.*

The early leaders of the revolution by no means showed favour or indulgence towards slavery; they viewed with grief and humiliation a system so inconsistent with their boasted liberty, and their desire of making their country a general asylum of the oppressed. Societies were formed for its gradual abolition, of one of which Dr Franklin, and of another Mr Jay were presidents. Washington showed a particularly friendly spirit towards the negroes, and at his death liberated those on his own estate. The general spirit of the age ran strongly in this direction. The south, however, had still a strong contrary interest; and in the period succeeding the peace, a kind of compromise system was arranged. The northern states passed acts of gradual abolition, giving freedom to all who should be born after their date; and congress ordained that no importation should take place after 1808. It was hoped that the source of slavery being thus cut off, it would be gradually dried up.

Slavery, &c., p. 256, &c. Men and Manners, vol. i. p. 9499. Channing, p. 57-62.

This expectation has not been fulfilled. The rapid multiplication of the slaves, the vast extent of new territory over which they were spread, the important cultures of which they became the instruments, created great national and individual interests, closely involved in the system. The feeling of its inconsistent and unsuitable character was blunted; and instead of any plans or preparations for emancipation, nothing was thought of but to check any aspirings in the mind of the negro towards that object. Lest he should be influenced by the view of any of his own race enjoying freedom, the strongest obstacles were opposed to manumission, even when desired by the master. As already mentioned, the slaves were prohibited from receiving any instruction, which could enlarge their minds, and make their humiliation felt. The Americans were annoyed by the remarks of foreigners upon the subject; but they turned a deaf ear, and silently cherished the system. Suddenly, however, within their own bosom, a cry arose, which echoed throughout the Union, and shook it to its very foundation.

The first movement in favour of the negroes was made by the Colonization Society, formed in 1817 under the auspices of some of the most leading men in the republic. Its object was to convey free and emancipated negroes across the Atlantic, and settle them on the coast of Africa. After its operation for a number of years, and the transportation of some thousands to the colony of Liberia, several of its members, particularly Gerrit Smith, began to urge, that the society ought to aim at nothing short of the general abolition of slavery. A strong impression had in fact been made by the British act for the gradual emancipation of all the slaves in the West Indies. As the society showed no disposition to concur in such an object, separate associations were formed for that purpose. In 1833, an American Anti-slavery Society was organized at Philadelphia; and its first anniversary was held at New York in May 1834. From that time began the most fervid and active