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fully reported in Herodotus, who may have ged limestone mountains, which are thickly conversed with the veterans of Marathon, studded with pines, olive-trees, and cedars, the great Athenian adjured his countryman and overgrown with the myrtle, arbutus, to vote for giving battle. He told him that and the other low odoriforous shrubs that it rested with him either to enslave Athens, everywhere perfume the Attic air. The or to make her the greatest of all the Greek level of the ground is now varied by the states, and to leave behind him a memory mound raised over those who fell in the of unrivalled glory among all generations of battle, but it was an unbroken plain when mankind. He warned him that the banish- the Persians encamped on it. There are ed tyrant had partizans in Athens; and marshes at each end, which are dry in that, if time for intrigue was allowed, the spring and summer, and then offer no obcity would be given up to the Medes; but struction to the horseman, but are comthat if the armies fought at once before monly flooded with rain and so rendered there was any thing rotten in the state of impracticable for eavalry in the autumn, Athens, they were able, if the gods would the time of year at which the action took give them fair play, to beat the Medes. place.

The vote of the brave War-Ruler was The Greeks, lying encamped on the gained, the council determined to give bat- mountains, could watch every movement of tle; and such was the ascendency and ac- the Persians on the plain below, while they knowledged military eminence of Miltiades, were enabled completely to mask their own. that his brother generals one and all gave Miltiades also had, from his position, the up their days of command to him, and power of giving battle whenever he pleased, cheerfully acted under his orders. Fear- or of delaying it at his discretion, unless ful, however, of creating any jealousy, and Datis were to attempt the perilous operaof so failing to obtain the vigorous co-ope- tion of storming the heights. ration of all parts of his small army, Milti- If we turn to the map of the old world, ades waited till the day when the chief to test the comparative territorial resources command would have come round to him in of the two states whose armies were now regular rotation, before he led the troops against the enemy.

about to come into conflict, the immense preponderance of the material power of the The inaction of the Asiatic commanders Persian king over that of the Athenian reduring this interval appears strange at first public, is more striking than any similar sight; but Hippias was with them, and contrast which history can supply. It has they and he were aware of their chance of been truly remarked, that, in estimating a bloodless conquest through the machina- mere areas, Attica, containing on its whole tions of his partizans among the Athenians. surface only 700 square miles, shrinks into The nature of the ground also explains in insignificance if compared with many a bamany points the tactics of the opposite ronial fief of the middle ages, or many a generals before the battle, as well as the colonial allotment of modern times. Its operations of the troops during the engage-antagonist, the Persian empire, comprised the whole of modern Asiatic and much of

ment.

The plain of Marathon, which is about modern European Turkey, the modern twenty-two miles distant from Athens, lies kingdom of Persia, and the countries of along the bay of the same name on the modern Georgia, Armenia, Balkh, the Punnorth-eastern coast of Attica. The plain jaub, Affghanistan, Beloochistan, Egypt, is nearly in the form of a crescent, and and Tripoli. about six miles in length. It is about two Nor could an European, in the beginmiles broad in the centre, where the space ning of the fifth century before our era, between the mountains and the sea is great-look upon this huge accumulation of power est, but it narrows towards either extremi- beneath the sceptre of a single Asiatic ty, the mountains coming close down to ruler, with the indifference with which we the water at the horns of the bay. There now observe on the map the extensive dois a valley trending inwards from the mid- minions of modern Oriental sovereigns. dle of the plain, and a ravine comes down For, as has been already remarked, before to it to the southward. Elsewhere it is Marathon was fought, the prestige of sueclosely girt round on the land side by rug-cess and of supposed superiority of race was on the side of the Asiatic against the European. Asia was the original seat of human societies, and long before any trace

* Ην δε συμβαλωμεν, πριν τι και σαθρον Αθηναίων μετα εξετέροισι εγγενεσθαι, θεων τα ισα νεμόντων, οίοι τε ειμεν

περιγενεσθαι τη συμβολη.—HERODOTUS, Erato, 99.

of the Persian monarchy in particular. And we are thus better enabled to appreciate the repulse which Greece gave to the arms of the East, and to judge of the probable consequences to human civilization, if the Persians had succeeded in bringing. Europe under their yoke, as they had already subjugated the fairest portions of the rest of the then known world.

can be found of the inhabitants of the rest | paratively easy task to investigate and apof the world having emerged from the rud-preciate the origin, progress, and principles est barbarism, we can perceive that mighty of Oriental empire in general, as well as and brilliant empires flourished in the Asiatic continent. They appear before us through the twilight of primeval history, dim and indistinct, but massive and majestic, like mountains in the early dawn. Instead, however, of the infinite variety and restless change which has characterized the institutions and fortunes of European states ever since the commencement of the civilization of our continent, a monotonous The Greeks, from their geographical pouniformity pervades the histories of nearly sition, formed the natural vanguard of all Oriental empires, from the most ancient European liberty against Persian ambition; down to the most recent times. They are and they pre-eminently displayed the sacharacterized by the rapidity of their early lient points of distinctive national characconquests, by the immense extent of the ter which have rendered European civilizadominions comprised in them, by the es- tion so far superior to Asiatic. The natablishment of a satrap or pacha system of tions that dwelt in ancient times around governing the provinces, by an invariable and near the shores of the Mediterranean and speedy degeneracy in the princes of sea, were the first in our continent to rethe royal house, the effeminate nurslings ceive from the East the rudiments of art of the seraglio succeeding to the warrior- and literature, and the germs of social and sovereigns reared in the camp, and by the political organizations. Of these nations internal anarchy and insurrections which the Greeks, through their vicinity to Asia indicate and accelerate the decline and fall Minor, Phoenicia, and Egypt, were among of these unwieldy and ill-organized fabrics the very foremost in acquiring the princiof power. It is also a striking fact that ples of civilized life, and they also at once the governments of all the great Asiatic imparted a new and wholly original stamp empires have in all ages been absolute des- on all which they received. Thus, in their potisms. And Heeren is right in connect-religion they received from foreign settlers ing this with another great fact, which is the names of all their deities and many of important from its influence both on the their rites, but they discarded the loath political and the social life of Asiatics. some monstrosities of the Nile, the Oron"Among all the considerable nations of tes, and the Ganges;-they' nationalized Inner Asia the paternal government of their creed; and their own poets created every household was corrupted by polyga- their beautiful mythology. No sacerdotal my where that custom exists, a good po- caste ever existed in Greece. So, in their litical constitution is impossible. Fathers, governments, they lived long under kings, being converted into domestic despots, are but never endured the establishment of abready to pay the same abject obedience to solute monarchy. Their early kings were their sovereign which they exact from their constitutional rulers, governing with defamily and dependants in their domestic fined prerogatives. And long before the economy." We should bear in mind also the Persian invasion the kingly form of governinseparable connexion between the state ment had given way in almost all the religion and all legislation which has al- Greek states to republican institutions, ways prevailed in the East, and the con-presenting infinite varieties of the blending stant existence of a powerful sacerdotal or the alternate predominance of the olibody, exercising some check, though pre-garchical and democratical principles. In carious and irregular, over the throne it- literature and science the Greek intellect self, grasping at all civil administration, followed no beaten track, and acknowledgclaiming the supreme control of education, ed no limitary rules. The Greeks thought stereotyping the lines in which literature and science must move, and limiting the extent to which it shall be lawful for the human mind to promote its enquiries.

With these general characteristics rightly felt and understood, it becomes a com

their subjects boldly out; and the novelty of a speculation invested it in their minds with interest and not with criminality. Versatile, restless, enterprising, and selfconfident, the Greeks presented the most striking contrast to the habitual quietude

and submissiveness of the Orientals. And, | ans, that we find these inscriptions silent of all the Greeks, the Athenians exhibited respecting the defeat of Datis and Artathese national characteristics in the strong-phernes, as well as respecting the reverses est degree. This spirit of activity and which Darius sustained in person during daring, joined to a generous sympathy for his Scythian campaigns. But these indis the fate of their fellow-Greeks in Asia, had putable monuments of Persian fame conled them to join in the last Ionian war; firm, and even increase the opinion with and now mingling with their abhorrence of which Herodotus inspires us of the vast an' uşurping family of their own citizens, power which Cyrus founded, Cambyses inwhich for a period had forcibly seized on creased; which Darius augmented by Inand exercised despotic power at Athens, dian and Arabian conquests, and seemed nerved them to defy the wrath of King likely, when he directed his arms against Darius, and to refuse to receive back at his Europe, to make the predominant monarbidding the tyrant whom they had some chy of the world. years before driven out. >

With the exception of the Chinese emThe enterprise and genius of an English-pire, in which, throughout all ages down to man have lately confirmed by fresh evi- the last few years, one third of the human dence, and invested with fresh interest, the race has dwelt almost unconnected with the might of the Persian Monarch who sent his other portions, all the great kingdoms troops to combat at Marathon. Inscrip- which we know to have existed in ancient tions in a character termed the arrow- Asia, were, in Darius's time, blended into headed, or cuneiform, had long been known the Persian. The Northern Indians, the to exist on the marble monuments at Per- Assyrians, the Syrians, the Babylonians, sepolis, near the site of the ancient Susa, the Chaldees, the Phoenicians, the nations and on the faces of rocks in other places formerly ruled over by the early Persian kings. But for thousands of years they had been mere unintelligible enigmas to the curious but baffled beholder; and they were often referred to as instances of the folly of human pride, which could indeed write its own praises in the solid rock, but only for the rock to outlive the language as well as the memory of the vainglorious inscribers. The elder Niebuhr, Grotefend, and Lassen had made some guesses at the meaning of the cuneiform letters; but Major Rawlinson, of the East India Company's service, after years of labor, has at last accomplished the glorious achievement of fully revealing the alphabet and the grammar of this long unknown tongue. He has, in particular, fully decyphered and expounded the inscription on the sacred rock of Behistun, on the western frontiers of Media. These records of the Achæmenidæ have at length found their interpreter; and Darius himself speaks to us from the consecrated mountain, and tells us the names of the nations that obeyed him, the revolts that he suppressed, his victories, his piety, and his glory.*

Kings who thus seek the admiration of posterity are little likely to dim the record of their successes by the mention of their occasional defeats; and it throws no suspicion on the narrative of the Greek histori* See the last numbers of the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society.

of Palestine, the Armenians, the Bactrians, the Lydians, the Phrygians, the Parthians, and the Medes,-all obeyed the sceptre of the Great King: the Medes standing next to the native Persians in honor, and the empire being frequently spoken of as that of the Medes, or as that of the Medes and Persians. Egypt and Cyrene were Persian provinces; the Greek colonists in Asia Minor and the islands of the Egaan were Darius's subjects; and their gallant but unsuccessful attempts to throw off the Persian yoke had only served to rivet it more strongly, and to increase the general belief that the Greeks could not stand before the Persians in a field of battle. Darius's Seythian war, though unsuccessful in its immediate object, had brought about the subjugation of Thrace, and the submission of Macedonia. From the Indus to the Peneus, all was his. Greece was to be his next acquisition. His heralds were sent round to the various Greek states to demand the emblem of homage, which all the islanders and many of the dwellers on the continent submitted to give.

Over those who had the apparent rashness to refuse, the Persian authority was to be now enforced by the army that, under Datis, an experienced Median general, and Artaphernes, a young Persian noble, lay encamped by the coast of Marathon.

When Miltiades arrayed his men for action, he staked on the arbitrament of one battle not only the fate of Athens, but

that of all Greece; for if Athens had fallen, no other Greek state except Lacedæmon would have had the courage to resist; and the Lacedæmonians, though they would probably have died in their ranks to the last man, never could have successfully resisted the victorious Persians and the numerous Greek troops which would have soon marched under the Persian banner, had it prevailed over Athens..

Nor was there any power to the westward of Greece that could have offered an effectual opposition to Persia, had she once conquered Greece, and made that country a basis for future military operations. Rome was at this time in her season of utmost weakness. Her dynasty of powerful Etruscan kings had been driven out, and her infant commonwealth was reeling under the attacks of the Etruscans and Volscians from without, and the fierce dissensions between the patricians and plebeians within. Etruria, with her Lucumos and serfs was no match for Persia. Samnium had not grown into the might which she afterwards put forth nor could the Greek colonies in South Italy and Sicily hope to conquer when their parent states had perished. Carthage had escaped the Persian yoke in the time of Cambyses through the reluctance of the Phoenician mariners to serve against their kinsmen. But such forbearance could not long have been relied on, and the future rival of Rome would have become as submissive a minister of the Persian power as were the Phoenician cities themselves. If we turn to Spain, or if we pass the great mountain chain, which, prolonged through the Pyrenees, and Cevennes, the Alps, and the Balkan, divides Northern from Southern Europe, we shall find nothing at that period but mere savage Finns, Celts, and Teutons. Had Persia beat Athens at Marathon, she could have found no obstacle to Darius, the chosen servant of Ormuzd, advancing his sway over all the known Western races of mankind. The infant energies of Europe would have been trodden out beneath the hoof of universal conquest; and the history of the world, like the history of Asia, have become a mere record of the rise and fall of despotic dynasties, of the incursions of barbarous hordes, and of the mental and political prostation of millions beneath the diadem, the tiara, and the sword. Great as the preponderance of the Persian over the Athenian power at that crisis seems to have been, it would be unjust to

impute wild rashness to the policy of Miltiades, and those who voted with him in the Athenian council of war, or to look on the after-current of events as the mere fortunate result of successful folly. As before has been remarked, Miltiades, whilst prince of the Chersonese, had seen service in the Persian armies; and he knew by personal observation how many elements of weakness lurked beneath their imposing aspect of strength. He knew that the bulk of their troops no longer consisted of the hardy shepherds and mountaineers from Persia Proper and Kurdistan, who won Cyrus's battles; but that unwilling contingents from conquered nations now filled up the Persian muster-rolls, fighting more from compulsion than from any zeal in the cause of their masters. He had also the sagacity and the spirit to appreciate the superiority of the Greek armor and organization over the Asiatic, notwithstanding former reverses. Above all, he felt and worthily trusted the enthusiasm of those whom he led. The Athenians under him were republicans who had but a few years before shaken off their tyrants. They were flushed by recent successes in wars against some of the neighboring states. They knew that the despot whom they had driven out was in the foeman's camp, seeking to be reinstated by foreign arms in his plenitude of oppression... They were zealous champions of the liberty and equality which as citizens they had recently acquired.

And Miltiades might be sure, that whatever treachery might lurk among some of the higher-born and wealthier Athenians, the rank and file whom he led were ready to do their utmost in his and their own cause. As for future attacks from Asia, he might reasonably hope that one victory would inspirit all Greece to combine against the common foe; and that the latent seeds of revolt and disunion in the Persian empire would soon burst forth and paralyze its energies, so as to leave Greek independence secure.

With these hopes and risks, Miltiades, on a September day, 490 B. C., gave the word for the Athenian army to prepare for battle. There were many local associations connected with those mountain heights, which were calculated powerfully to excite the spirits of the men, and of which the commanders well knew how to avail themselves in their exhortations to their troops before the encounter. Marathon itself was a region sacred to Hercules. Close to

them was the fountain of Macaria, who the struggle between the European and had in days of yore devoted herself to the Asiatic worlds. The sacrifices by which death for the liberty of her people. The the favor of heaven was sought, and its very plain on which they were to fight was the scene of the exploits of their national hero, Theseus; and there, too, as old legends told, the Athenians and the Heraclidae had routed the invader, Eurystheus. These traditions were not mere cloudy myths, or idle fictions, but matters of implicit earnest faith to the men of that day, and many a fervent prayer arose from the Athenian ranks to the heroic spirits who while on earth had striven and suffered on that very spot, and who were believed to be now heavenly powers, looking down with interest on, and capable of interposing with effect in the fortunes of their still beloved country.

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According to old national custom the warriors of each tribe were arrayed toge. ther; neighbor thus fighting by the side of neighbor, friend by friend, and the spirit of

will consulted, were announced to show propitious omens. The trumpet sounded for action, and, chanting the hymn of battle, the little army bore down upon the host of the foe. Then, too, along the mountain slopes of Marathon must have resounded the mutual exhortation, which Eschylus, who fought in both battles, tells us was afterwards heard over the waves of Salamis,-“On, sons of the Greeks! Strike for the freedom of your country,strike for the freedom of your children, your wives,-for the shrines of your fathers' gods, and for the sepulchres of your sires. All-all are now staked upon the strife."

Ω παιδες Ελληνων, ιτε Ελευθερούτε πατριδ', ελευθερούτε δὲ παιδας, γυναίκας, Θεων τε πατρώων εδη,

level ground that lay between the mountain foot and the Persian outposts, and so to get his troops into close action before the Asiatic cavalry could mount, form, and manoeuvre against him, or their archers keep him long under fire, and before the enemy's generals could fairly deploy their masses.

emulation and the consciousness of responΘήκας τε προγόνων. Νυν υπέρ πάντων αγών.* sibility excited to the very utmost. The Instead of advancing at the usual slow War-Ruler, Callimachus, had the leading pace of the phalanx, Miltiades brought his of the right wing; the Plateans formed men on at a run. They were all trained the extreme left; and Themistocles and in the exercises of the palæstra, so that Aristides commanded the centre. The there was no fear of their ending the charge panoply of the regular infantry consisted in breathless exhaustion; and it was of of a long spear, of a shield, helmet, breast- the deepest importance for him to traverse plate, greaves, and short sword. Thus as rapidly as possible the mile or so of equipped, the troops usually advanced slowly and steadily into action in an uniform phalanx of about four spears deep. But the military genius of Miltiades led him to deviate on this occasion from the common-place tactics of his countrymen. It was essential for him to extend his line so as to cover all the practicable ground, and to secure himself from being outflank- "When the Persians," says Herodotus, ed and charged in the rear by the Persian," saw the Athenians running down on them, horse. This extension involved the weak-without horse or bowmen, and scanty in ening of his line. Instead of an uniform numbers, they thought them a set of madreduction of its strength, he determined on men rushing upon certain destruction." detaching principally from his centre, which, They began, however, to prepare to refrom the nature of the ground, would have ceive them, and the Eastern chiefs arrayed, the best opportunities for rallying, if as quickly as time and place allowed, the broken, and on strengthening his wings so varied races who served in their motley as to insure advantage at those points; and ranks. Mountaineers from Hyreania and he trusted to his own skill, and to his sol- Affghanistan, wild horsemen from the diers' discipline, for the improvement of steppes of Khorassan, the black archers of that advantage into decisive victory. In Ethiopia, swordsmen from the banks of this order, and availing himself probably the Indus, the Oxus, the Euphrates, and of the inequalities of the ground so as to the Nile, made ready against the enemies conceal his preparations from the enemy of the Great King. But no national till the last possible moment, Miltiades cause inspired them, except the division of drew up the fifteen thousand infantry

whose spears were to decide this crisis in

* Persæ.

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