race should be coincident with emancipation. Aware that there were shades of difference among his counsellors, and hesitation and doubt with some, in view of the vast responsibility and its consequences, the President devised his own scheme, held himself alone accountable for the act, and, unaided and unassisted, prepared each of the proclamations of freedom. Mr. Seward in no way or form originated or was responsible for that important measure, did not in any way "direct affairs in regard to it, was in no other way cognizant of it beyond his colleagues, except as communicated to him and myself on the 13th of July, at its inception. Yet in the "Memorial Address," Mr. Seward is represented as the life-long opponent of slavery, beyond others the master spirit in the Lincoln Administration. The President and this great event are ignored, and the inference is intended to be conveyed, that the Secretary of State who "chose his side" in the morning of life adverse to slavery, is entitled to the credit; for it is represented that the President was a mere secondary personage, and the Secretary of State directed affairs in the name of Mr. Lincoln, who was to "reap the honors due chiefly to Mr. Seward's labors."

To unfold the leaves of suppressed history, and correct the errors and perversions which interestedand many of them still living-persons have spread abroad and inculcated, is a thankless task, and will subject him who performs it to partisan abuse. It is scarcely to be expected that the present generation will know or be able to appreciate the labors and acts of those who, intrusted with the government in a

trying period, took upon themselves immense and unprecedented responsibilities, or that a rightful discrimination will at this early day, if ever, be made as regards those who in the quiet of civil official life participated in the movements which eventuated in the salvation of the Union and the emancipation of a race. The late labored effort of the distinguished gentleman of an historic family and name to depreciate the talents and services of Abraham Lincoln, and to crown another with honors that justly belong to him, is a specimen of lamentable partisan prejudice and error. It is but one, and perhaps the last of many attempts of a similar character, to take from the brow of Lincoln the wreath of merit that is justly his-to deprive him of the reward due for his labor, and give to another credit for his acts. It is not the first time in our history when like injustice has been witnessed toward our Chief Magistrates. Volumes have been written to prove that Hamilton controlled Washington and directed the affairs of the nation in the name of his chief. Van Buren, it was claimed, controlled the imperious will of Jackson and dictated his measures. Undoubtedly each had influence with his chief, perhaps more than he deserved. The same may said of Mr. Seward, who had undeniably influence with Mr. Lincoln, but who was no more the directing mind of the Administration of Lincoln, but really much less, than was Hamilton of Washington or Van Buren of Jackson. Both Hamilton and Seward are charged with having given countenance to this false impression, which, however, redounds to the credit of neither.

be

In these pages written to correct the misconcep

tions of Mr. Adams, and the misrepresentations of the Albany "Memorial Address," incidents of what occurred would, I thought, better than mere contradictory assertions, illustrate the acts, the executive management and administrative ability, as well as the capacity and mental energy of the men whose traits are involved in the statements which have been made.

Of the incidents that took place during the administration of Mr. Lincoln, some of which and the attending circumstances could not have been disclosed at the time of their occurrence, there are in most cases living witnesses. The transactions of an earlier date are of public notoriety and matters of record, commencing with the organized anti-masonic proscription, and embracing the rise and fall of that and subsequent parties, down to, and including the much misrepresented proceedings of the Chicago Convention in 1860.

It has been no part of my purpose to magnify or' overstate the qualities, or to give undue credit to the labors and abilities of Mr. Lincoln, still less to do injustice to Mr. Seward, who is represented in the "Memorial Address" as overshadowing his chief. Mr. Lincoln was in many respects a remarkable, though I do not mean to say an infallible man. No true delineation or photograph of his intellectual capacity and attributes has ever been given, nor shall I attempt it. His vigorous and rugged, but comprehensive mind, his keen and shrewd sagacity, his intellectual strength and mental power, his genial, kindly temperament-with charity for all and malice towards none- his sincerity, unquestioned honesty and

homely suavity, made him popular as well as great. Had he survived to this day, the Albany "Memorial Address" would have been of a different character, and its pages not marred with paragraphs which reflect on his ability and do injustice to his memory.

THE END.