tainly did not present a revolutionary aspect. It rather appeared to lean to conservatism. Its candidate had been chosen as eminently a safe, prudent leader. Indeed, in the delicate relations of the times, the country would not have tolerated a violent agitator or disturber of its peace. The intention of the victorious party, if we regard the declarations of its interpreters, was to adhere to and maintain the sound constitutional doctrines of the fathers of the Republic. If any resistance was to be offered to slavery, it was not to the privileges conceded to it by the Constitution, but to its extension into new fields of which Congress was the guardian. Such was the expression of the popu- the old elements of Whiggism, cerlar voice, after a canvass conducted with earnestness on both sides, and, apart from the intrigues and divisions of the politicians of the Democratic party in their Charleston Convention, with remarkable moderation and freedom from acerbity. It appeared the calm, sober, regular assertion of the judgment of the country on a question of national policy which had been long discussed and fully investigated. The Republican speakers had, indeed, been denied a hearing at the South; but of this, while they felt its inconvenience and injustice, they made no complaint, for they were successful without it. The public had yet to learn what such exclusiveness foreboded; they did not read in it incipient treason and rebellion, or if the suspicion crossed the mind, it was rejected as uncharitable and incredible. On the other hand, Southern orators like Yancey, openly threatening rebellion, and partizans of their way of thinking, had spoken freely in Northern cities; and their language, however unpalatable, had been listened to with respect. The defeated party had nothing to complain of on that score. If their divisions had elected Lincoln, it was ob-clared, in the most emphatic manner, viously their own fault. They were not such children in political science, as to be taught the propriety of submission to the authoritative declarations of the ballot-box. The vote, if we interpret it by the professions of the Republicans, and they were entitled to the benefit of their promises till they should refute them by their actions, said that, while the influence of the new government was to be on the side of freedom, yet that every principle of the Constitution was to be maintained. The party, absorbing largely Mr. Lincoln, whose election was so of ten made the pretence of hostility,as if the whole Government were in the hands of the President,―had openly pronounced his sentiments on the chief measures in agitation in the country in reference to slavery; and in each instance had shown not only the highest deference to the Constitution and the laws, but a prudent regard to the peace and welfare of the country. He had de that he considered the people of the Southern States entitled to a Congressional Fugitive Slave Law; though he thought the one in existence might be amended, while he had no intention of impairing its efficiency. He would not, he said, "introduce it as a new subject of agitation upon the general question of slavery." He would even, he admitted, much as he should dislike the necessity, acknowledge the claim of a new State to be admitted with a slave constitution, though he would have the noxious element of slavery kept away from it whilo MR. LINCOLN'S DECLARATIONS. in a territorial condition. In regard to the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, while, with Henry Clay, he thought it desirable to "sweep from our from our Capital that foul blot upon our nation," he held that if it were done, it should be in accordance with several conservative provisions, namely, that the abolition should be gradual, that it should be on a vote of the majority of qualified voters in the District, and that compensation should be made to unwilling owners. Of the abolition of the slave trade between the different States, he had formed no opinion, for he had not sufficiently studied the constitutional question; but, if he were to make up his mind in favor of the measure, he would not press it without regard to the wishes and welfare of the parties immediately interested. Such, in effect, were the declarations to which he pledged himself in the summer of 1858, in his electioneering contest with Douglas in Illinois; and the record was often appealed to while he was a candidate for the Presideney. There was, however, another declaration which fell from his lips the same season, which, as it was frequently quoted by his opponents and has since, by the progress of events, attained a sort of historical significance may be worth presenting in this relation. It was made in a speech at Springfield, Illinois, at the close of the Republican State Convention in June. "We are now," said he, "far into the fifth year, since a policy was initiated with the avowed object and confident promise of putting an end to slavery agitation. Under the operation of that policy, that agitation has not only not ceased, but has constantly augmented. In my opinion it will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. 23 'A house divided against itself cannot stand.' I believe this government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved-I do not expect the house to fall-but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will push it forward, till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new-North as well as South." This was indeed a notable expression of opinion, a most sagacious glance of a keen sighted observer on what was passing before him, a species of prophecy, as it turned out; but it did not necessarily imply any disposition to hasten either event by a revolutionary course of conduct. More important, however, than any of these declarations of a local political conflict several years old, as an interpretation of Mr. Lincoln's views and feelings in relation to the existing state of affairs, was the language of the address which he delivered in the city of New York not long before his nomination, and which was largely circulated as an indication of his policy. Its leading design, rigorously carried out with equal learning and acumen, was to test the principles of the Republican party by the practice of the Fathers of the Constitution. "Let all," said he, adopting a text thrown out in one of the speeches of Senator Douglas, "who believe that 'our fathers, who framed the Government under which we live, understood this question just as well, and even better, than we do now,' speak as they spcke and act as they acted upon it. Phis is all that Repub licans ask-all Republicans desire-in slaveholders? Moreover, both branches relation to slavery. As those fathers of Congress were in the hands of the marked it, so let it again be marked, as opponents of Mr. Lincoln, and might be an evil not to be extended, but to be tol- presumed to be a sufficient guard over his erated and protected only because of and movements. He could be little, after all, so far as its actual presence among us but their Executive. What, then, was makes that toleration and protection a the danger to be apprehended from a necessity. Let all the guaranties those Republican President, thus prudent in his fathers gave it, be, not grudgingly, but own resolves, and thus powerfully held fully and fairly maintained. For this in check by his political adversaries? Republicans contend, and with this, so far as I know or believe, they will be content. . . . It is exceedingly desirable that all parts of this great Confederacy shall be at peace and in harmony, one with another. Let us Republicans do our part to have it so. Even though much provoked, let us do nothing through passion and ill temper. Even though the Southern people will not do so much as listen to us, let us calmly consider their demands, and yield to them if in our deliberate view of our duty, we possibly can."* In vain were all these inducements to a pacific policy held up before Southern statesmen. It would seem that they had adopted a course of revolt before which nothing of good counsel that could be offered would be suffered to stand in the way. On no other hypothesis than a disposition to break up the Union at all hazards, can their conduct be accounted for. Instant measures were taken by them to array the whole region south of the Potomac in opposition not merely to the Republicans, but to the government itself. It was not legitimate influence in The amiable and conservative charac- the work of legislation which was sought ter of these declarations had to be ad- for in their agitation, but disorganization mitted by all fair-minded disputants, who and absolute destruction of the State. would then be driven to point out the Immediately leading actors began to busy probability of the influence of such a man themselves publicly with the work of in bringing others to his way of thinking, treason. Influential politicians correand thus providing for the passage of sponded with one another, schemed, measures tending to the limitation of plotted and intrigued. The readiness slavery with the safeguards which he with which they brought forward their proposed. The weakness and absurdity arguments, and the confidence of their of such a remonstrance were palpable plans showed them practiced in the arts enough, yet it was frequently urged by of revolt. They were evidently but enmen who appeared so determined to up-acting in the eye of the public what hold Southern institutions, that they would not permit them to be brought in question even by the Southerners themselves; for who could be influenced to any purpose in such an issue save the * Address of the Hon. Abraham Lincoln at the Cooper Institute, New York, February 27, 1860. they had long before studied and rehearsed in private. The long-desired opportunity for which they had eagerly waited, had arisen. Their arguments on previous occasions had failed to convince, or had not been followed by action. They had now an irresistible appeal in COURSE OF SOUTH CAROLINA. 25 the election by the North of a Republi- with this conclusion he recommended a can President, a sworn foe, as he was thorough reorganization of the State mirepresented, of Southern institutions. litia, and the acceptance of the services In full command of their political ma- of ten thousand volunteers, who should chinery, working upon the prejudices be drilled and be in readiness for instant and ignorance of the people, they had action. "With this preparation for debut to touch certain springs, and the fair fence," he concluded, "and with all the edifice of the national authority in the hallowed memories of past achievements, South fell to the ground, and in its stead with our love of liberty and hatred of arose the hideous structure of a rebel tyranny, and with the knowledge that Confederacy. we are contending for the safety of our homes and firesides, we can confidently appeal to the Disposer of human events, and surely trust our cause to his keeping." The advice fell upon willing ears. Indeed, there is but too much reason to believe, from the public declarations of many of their eminent politicians, from the divisions at the Charleston Convention, and from other indications, Following the suggestion of the Govthat Disunion was a foregone conclusion ernor, the topic of Secession was freely in many Southern minds. The election of discussed by the legislature. There was a Northern President, chosen by the votes much talk of arming, of the relative adof the Northern States, it was frequently vantages of separate action and of coöpasserted would justify an act of seces-eration with other States; Messrs. Chession. When the vote was taken, and nut and Hammond, the representatives the decision made known, the action was of South Carolina in the United States immediate. The legislature of South Senate, resigned their seats, and their Carolina, which was in session, called resignation was accepted; and the most together in advance of its regular meet- important, because most dangerous, proing, to appoint electors for President and ceeding of all—a resolution was unaniVice President, proceeded at once to mously adopted in both branches of the take the initiative in the revolt. In- Legislature, calling a special convention deed, Governor Gist, the very first day of the people, to meet on the 17th Deof the meeting of that body, the fifth of cember, to consider and provide for the November, had in his message advised interests of South Carolina in the asthe course to be pursued in the event of sumed emergency. On the 27th NovemAbraham Lincoln's election. "The only ber the legislature was again in session alternative," said he, "is the secession at Columbia, listening to another mesof South Carolina from the federal sage from Governor Gist, urging various Union." Not overlooking the inevitable means of independence, commercial and contingency upon such action, if, as he military, and strongly charged with Secesexpressed it, "in the exercise of arbi- sion doctrines and advice. The Federal trary power, and forgetful of the lessons Government, he said, could "not rightfulof history, the government of the United ly use force to prevent a State from secedStates should attempt coercion," he add-ing, or force her back into the Union," ed, "it will become our solemn duty to adding significantly, "but, in the lanmeet force by force." In accordance guage of the late Judge Harper, men having arms in their hands may use them." It is not a little significant of the calculations made at this period by the South, that he encouraged his hearers with the remark, "It is gratifying to know that, if we must resort to arms in defence of our rights, and a blow struck at South Carolina before the other States move up in line, we have the tender of volunteers from all the Southern and some of the Northern States to repair promptly to our standard and share our fortunes." With reckless indifference to the probable consequences of these rebellious suggestions, with an appeal to honor and religion, he added: "We cannot penetrate the dark future; it may be filled with ashes, tears, and blood; but let us go forward in the discharge of our duty, with an unwavering trust in God, and a consciousness that anything is preferable to dishonor and degradation." The Hon. C. G. Memminger, afterward Secretary of the Treasury of the Confederate Government, in a speech at a public meeting in the city of Charleston, on the 30th of November, with the prescience of an actor who had in his own hands the guarantee of his predictions, marked out the entire programme of the Rebellion. The action of the Convention, the Commissioners to be sent to Washington to treat for the forts, the capture of the latter by armed men if not surrendered, the indisposition of President Buchanan to act offensively, the powerlessness of President Lincoln in the early days of his administration, giving time to South Carolina to gain over to her cause the cotton States, were all pointed out as so many onward stages in the progress to Southern Independence.* There was no * History of the Southern Rebellion, by Orville J. Victor, i. 70 attempt in this argument to conceal the employment of armed resistance. It was the common talk at Charleston. At the same meeting a letter was read from Colonel Hayne, in which the prospects of a struggle with the government were thus confidently discussed: "Should the South be called upon," said he, "to meet the North in the battle-field, we have eight millions of the Anglo-Saxon race to sustain us and our cause, just in the sight of God and man. What more do we want? Did not Frederick the Great, with a population of not half of our number, carry on successful war with almost the whole of Europe against him, and at the close of the war, adding largely to his empire? The great Napoleon conquered Europe - all but gallant England. Burke, with his large mind, told Lord North the British premier in '76,' that the Southern colonies would, on trial, be found hard to subdue -and it was found to be so, in the hour of trial and on the battle-field. For all the purposes of war-especially long and continued war, for good and sufficient reasons perfectly understood and duly endorsed by our people - the Southern States rank among the first nations of the world."* In Georgia there was at first some hesitation-for there were many friends of the Union in the State, and others who, from interest, looked with suspicion upon the threatened movement. Governor Brown, in his message to the legislature in November, opposed secession and the project of a Southern Convention, contenting himself with a plan of taxation and reprisals upon the property of citizens of States infringing upon Southern *A. P. Hayne to Captain S. Y. Tupper, Charleston, Nov ember 20, 1860. Charleston Mercury, December 1 |