A COUNTER PROCLAMATION.

Governor Brown of Georgia took a practical course, in an attack upon the pockets of his foes, in what he describes as "the anti-slavery States." He forbade in the most authoritative manner any citizen or inhabitant of the State, under any pretext whatever, to "remit, transfer or | 1861.

an aggression, to make application for commissions or letters of marque and reprisal, to be issued under the seal of these Confederate States." This was met by another Proclamation from President Lincoln, on the 19th, declaring a blockade of the ports of the rebellious States, subjecting vessels violating it to the usual penalties under the law of nations, and specially adding, "if any person, under the pretended authority of said States, or under any other pretence, shall molest a vessel of the United States, or the persons or cargo on board of her, such person will be held amenable to the laws of the United States for the prevention and punishment of piracy."

tion on both sides, by treating as pirates open enemies acting under the authority of commissions issued by an organized government. If such proclamation was issued, it could only have been published under the sudden influence of passion, and we may rest assured that mankind will be spared the horrors of the conflict it seems to invite."*

In this address President Davis stated the Confederate force in the field at Charleston, Pensacola, Forts Morgan, Jackson, St. Philip and Pulaski at nineteen thousand men, while sixteen thousand more were already on their way to Virginia-a proof, if one were wanted, of the foregone conclusion in the mind of the South in anticipation of what was termed the inauguration of war at Sumter, and of their previous readiness for the field. The North with all its ability had shown no such preparation. But this was not all. "It is proposed,” added Davis, " to organize and hold in readiness for instant action, in view of the present exigencies of the country, an army of one hundred thousand men." With their cry of "On to Washington," which was now bruited about the land, it was evident that President Lincoln's seventy-five thousand three months' militia men would not long suffice.

The latter declaration, which was afterwards variously discussed and became a subject of much practical interest, was in return commented upon by President Davis in the Message, which he delivered some days later, on the meeting of the Confederate Congress. Affecting the language of surprize, which we have seen employed by the Governor of North Carolina, he said of the threatened treatment of the privateers of the Confederacy as pirates. "Notwithstanding the authenticity of this proclamation, you will concur with me that it is hard to believe that it could have emanated from a President of the United States. Its announcement of a mere paper blockade is so manifestly a violation of the law of nations, that it would seem incredible that it could have been issued by authority; but conceding this to be the case, so far as the Executive is concerned, it will be difficult to satisfy the people of these States that their late confederates will sanction its declarations-will determine to ignore the usages of civilized nations, and will inaugurate a war of extermina- 1881.

It was in this address that Davis employed an expression which was caught up and much commented upon for its simplicity, which it is perhaps injustice to its author to separate from the context. It was the desire to be let alone, and occurs in this concluding passage: "We feel that our cause is just and holy. We protest solemnly, in the face of mankind, that we desire peace at any sacrifice,

* Message of Jefferson Davis. Montgomery. April 29,

VOICE OF THE PEOPLE.

131

Divine Power which covers with its protection the just cause, we will continue to struggle for our inherent right to freedom, independence and self-government."

save that of honor. In independence beneficial. So long as this pretension is we seek no conquest, no aggrandizement, maintained, with a firm reliance on that no cession of any kind from the States with which we have lately confederated. All we ask is to be let alone that those who never held power over us shall not now attempt our subjugation by arms. This we will, we must resist, to the direst extremity. The moment that this pretension is abandoned, the sword will drop from our grasp and we shall be ready to enter into treaties of amity and commerce that cannot but be mutually flict.

With such solemn supplications to Heaven the leaders of both parties prepared to enter on what one side as well as the other, as in all great wars, had come to think an inevitable con

CHAPTER IX.

RESPONSE OF THE NATION.

It would be difficult to do justice to the spirit of patriotism which was excited in the hearts of the people by the blow struck at their liberties in the assault upor Sumter. Everywhere, throughout the North, popular gatherings were held with the most striking exhibitions of loyalty. The national flag, always fondly cherished as the symbol of the State and all which that grand impersonation represents of security and happiness, now seemed to acquire a new significance when Rebellion was plucking at its stars. It was brought forth and hung where it had never been seen before, on dwellings and churches and even at pulpits and altars, as the guardian of home and religion. But, above all, the people forgetting their divisions and animosities laid aside all political differences to unite in one hearty expression of allegiance to the Government, and determination to support it in the exercise of its legitimate authority with their lives and

fortunes. Of these days, it may be truly said, in the words of the song of Deborah, "the people willingly offered themselves."

Among the many popular demonstrations none was more imposing than that of the vast meeting held in the city of New York on the 20th of April, exactly one week from the fall of Sumter. Many circumstances united to give it a memorable character as a great national event. It was not only an extraordinary manifestation of the numbers of the largest city in the Union, but was fairly to be considered from the speakers who were present from different portions of the country, as, in some measure, the voice of the whole nation. Among the prominent orators of the occasion there were representatives of the East, the West and even of the South. There was no distinction of party. All shades of political opinion were merged in the blue, white and red, the only colors which

were thought of that day. No discrimi- disposition in the citizens to seek an ocnation was made between Democrat and Republican. A notable Romanist and a notable Puritan divine acknowledged the common religion of the State. Patriotism ruled the hour.

casion for war, where war would assail so many vital interests of property and. affection. Time and again that had been shown in deference to the wishes or pretensions of the South. The cosmopolitan character of the city, also, placed it above all suspicion of any desire to injure or annoy. What New York, therefore, should say at such a crisis would be peculiarly entitled to respect. Her prejudices, if she had any, were in favor of the South, and the South had greatly relied upon them to favor her cause. It was now to be determined upon which side she would take her stand-whether she would tolerate or assist Rebellion

Government.

The assembly, indeed, had a peculiar significance in the time and place. It was held while the first portentous threats of the Rebellion hung like a cloud over the land, when every hour brought intelligence of some new peril or disaster. The deeds of violence at Baltimore and its vicinity had destroyed communication with the Capital which was in imminent danger of capture and destruction. The national establishments at Harper's Ferry and Gosport were or whether she would resolutely oppose even then attacked, and all that their it by giving a cordial support to the loyal defenders could attempt to rescue them from the assailants was to apply the torch to the public property. New York had sent a thousand of her most valued young men to Washington a day or two before, untried and inexperienced in war, with the prospect before them of fighting their way through a desperate rabble. Several thousand more were on the eve of departure. The city was a camp, and the wharves were alive with the bustle of preparation of the transports which were to carry the men away on the morrow. Many a father was present at the meeting at Union Park, who felt that he might be looking upon his son at his side for the last time.

The opportunity to pronounce the decision was now afforded by the invitation of a number of influential citizens summoning all persons, "without regard to their previous political opinions or associations, to meet and express their sentiments in the present crisis of our national affairs, and their determination to uphold the Government of their country, and maintain the authority of its Constitution and its laws." The call was nobly responded to. On the afternoon of the day appointed, places of business were closed, that all might have an opportunity to attend. The meeting was held at Union Square, where the equestrian statue of Washington seemed to afford The scene of this great gathering was an appropriate emblem of the proceedalso noticeable. In New York, if any-ings of the day. An immense audience where, there was a just regard and the greatest which the city had ever friendly feeling for the people of the seen assembled gathered in the large, Scuth. Connected with that region by open area surrounding the park, and the various ties of commerce and other inti- main avenues leading to it. It was estimate relationship, there was certainly no mated that a hundred thousand persons

THE STATUE OF WASHINGTON.

prayer by an eminent divine. There were but few badges or mottoes, with little or no attempt to excite emotion by any outward display, unless we except the mute though eloquent appeal of the soiled and tattered flag brought from Sumter, which, mounted on a fragment of its staff, was placed in the hands of the statue of Washington. Major Anderson and several of his brother officers were introduced in the course of the meeting, and welcomed with enthusiasm.

133

were present assisting in the ceremonies Cabinet, he could speak with authority during the afternoon. Four stands were of the nature of the contest. "With no erected, each of which had its presiding provocation whatever from the Federal officer and series of speakers. The ex- Government," said he, "unscrupulous ercises at each were commenced with men had turned their arms in fraternal hatred against it, even when it was administered by those who were actuated by the most friendly disposition towards them." If to that Administration, he said, South Carolina had tendered war, as she had to that of President Lincoln, by a hostile and deadly assault, it would have been unanimously accepted. The present Administration, he maintained, had done no more than its duty, and it was entitled to support. "I believe," said he, "it will act with all the moderation and forbearance consistent with the great interests confided to it." Those interests assumed no small proportions in his eyes. "I regard," he added, “the pending contest with the secessionists as a death struggle for constitutional liberty and law-a contest which, if successful on their part, could only end in the establishment of a despotic government, and blot out, whenever they were in the ascendant, every vestige of national freedom." "Fellow citizens," he eloquently concluded, "we stand before the statue of the Father of his country. The flag of the Union, which floats over it, hung above him when he presided over the convention by which the Constitution was framed. The great work of his life Dr. Spring was followed at the main has been rejected, and the banner by stand by the Hon. John A. Dix, the late which his labors were consecrated has patriotic Secretary of the Treasury, who been trampled in the dust. If the inanhad labored so zealously to stem the tide imate bronze in which the sculptor has of corruption, and preserve the falling shaped his image, could be changed for state. In a calm, well-considered speech, the living form which led the armies of he simply and clearly set forth the pres- the revolution to victory, he would coment position of the country. Having mand us, in the name of the hosts of been a member of President Buchanan's patriots and political martyrs who have

The Rev. Dr. Gardiner Spring, the venerable pastor of the Brick Church, opened the meeting. In a few words, preliminary to the prayer which he offered, he struck the key-note of the proceedings. Referring to his avowal on other occasions of sentiments not unfriendly to Southern institutions, he declared that the question now was not between slavery and anti-slavery, between republicanism and democracybut that it was between law and anarchy, between government and no government; and on such an issue he prayed that we might be one people, and invoked the blessings of heaven on those who had gone forth to fight the battles of their country.