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OESTERREICH.

No. 696.

Min. d. Ausw. a. d. kaiserlichen Botschafter in London. Die Ablehnung eines gemeinschaftlichen Vorgehens in der polnischen

Angelegenheit betr.

No. 696. Oesterreich,

1863.

Vienne, le 31 mars, 1863.

M. le Comte, le Duc de Gramont et Lord Bloomfield ont été char31. März gés par leurs Gouvernements de m'entretenir d'un projet de démarche identique et collective que les deux Cabinets de Paris et de Londres auraient en vue de faire à St. Pétersbourg pour demander au Gouvernement Russe de replacer le Royaume de Pologne dans des conditions propres à y assurer le retour et le maintien de la tranquillité. Mes dépêches antérieures sur la question Polonaise ont toujours établi que malgré certain rapprochement entre nos appréciations et celles des Gouvernements Anglais et Français, nous ne pouvions cependant nous placer entièrement sur la même ligne. ¶ Je me suis assez étendu sur ce point vis-à-vis de votre Excellence pour qu'il soit superflu d'y revenir ici. Je me bornerai donc à vous dire que dans mes conversations avec les deux Ambassadeurs j'ai de nouveau insisté sur les graves motifs qui forçaient l'Autriche à observer dans la question Polonaise une réserve conforme à sa situation particulière essentiellement différente de celles des deux autres Puissances. Passant ensuite à l'examen de l'affaire spéciale qui se trouvait en cause j'ai dû faire observer que dans une démarche pareille à celle dont il s'agissait le point de départ pour l'Autriche se trouvait être naturellement tout autre que pour l'Angleterre et la France. La possession de la Galicie rend en effet le Gouvernement Impérial fort intéressé à ce que la Pologne Russe ne redevienne point le théâtre de troubles et de conflits sanglants. Nous devons en conséquence nous fonder avant tout sur les embarras suscités au Gouvernement Impérial par l'agitation qui règne dans le voisinage immédiat de ses frontières, pour demander à l'Empereur Alexandre qu'il porte remède à cet état de choses.

Nous souffrons d'ailleurs trop directement de ce qui vient de se passer en Pologne, pour ne pas être dans le cas d'exprimer au Gouvernement Russe notre désir de voir prévenir le retour de semblables événements. Aussi sommes-nous disposés à adresser à notre Chargé d'Affaires à St. Pétersbourg la dépêche dont votre Excellence trouvera ciprès le projet. Elle nous semblerait correspondre autant que notre situation particulière le permet aux vues des Cabinets de Paris et de Londres. Je vous autorise à en donner confidentiellement connaissance à Lord Russell, qui verra, j'espère, dans cette communication une preuve de notre désir de nous rapprocher des vues Anglaises. ¶ Ainsi que je l'ai fait remarquer à Lord Bloomfield et au Duc de Gramont, la nuance qui sépare en cette occasion l'attitude de l'Autriche de celle des deux autres Cours trouve son explication dans la nature même des choses. En élevant sa voix en faveur des Polonais, l'Autriche, qui possède elle-même une province Polonaise, doit tenir un langage à part. Mais si ce langage tend vers le même but que celui qui est poursuivi par la France et l'Angleterre, il peut servir ainsi à constater l'harmonie

qui règne entre les trois Puissances. Nous croyons tenir compte par là, autant que nous le pouvons, des voeux qui nous ont été exprimés; et nous aimons à penser que notre projet, présenté avec ces explications, trouvera un accueil favorable auprès du Gouvernement Anglais. Une dépêche identique, contenant la même annexe, est addressée à l'Ambassadeur de l'Empereur à Paris. Recevez, &c.

A Mr. le Comte Apponyi, Londres.

Rechberg.

No. 696. Oesterreich, 31. März

1863.

Anlage. Entwurf einer Depesche an den k. k. Geschäftsträger in
St. Petersburg, Grafen Thun.

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Vienne, le

Depuis la défaite et la dispersion des bandes armées les plus importantes par leur nombre et leur organisation, l'insurrection en Pologne peut être considérée comme réduite à des proportions moins grandes. Ce fait, qui dégage le Gouvernement Russe de ce qu'il devait jusqu'ici à des considérations de dignité et d'honneur militaire, nous permet d'appeler aujourd'hui son attention sur l'influence fâcheuse que les troubles de Pologne exercent sur nos propres frontières. ག En effet il est impossible que la Galicie ne se ressente pas d'événements aussi déplorables que ceux qui viennent de se passer dans le voisinage immédiat de ses frontières. De graves embarras sont ainsi suscités au Gouvernement Impérial, qui doit donc attacher un prix tout particulier à en voir prévenir le retour. Le Cabinet de St. Pétersbourg comprendra sans doute lui-même les dangers des convulsions périodiques qui agitent la Pologne, et il reconnaîtra l'opportunité d'aviser au moyen d'y mettre un terme en replaçant les provinces Polonaises soumises à la Russie dans les conditions d'une paix durable. ¶ On éviterait de la sorte des conséquences fâcheuses pour l'Europe entière et pour les contrées qui souffrent plus directement des conflits qui, comme les derniers que nous venons de voir éclater, ont inévitablement l'effet d'agiter l'opinion d'une manière inquiétante pour les Cabinets et capables de faire naître de regrettables complications. Veuillez, M. le Comte, présenter sous la forme la plus amicale ces observations à M. le Vice-Chancelier, et nous informer de l'accueil qu'elles auront rencontré. Recevez, &c.

No. 697.

GROSSBRITANNIEN. Botschafter in Paris an d. kön. Min. d. Ausw. - Die
Art der Uebergabe der Depeschen in St. Petersburg betr.

Paris, April 5 (received April 7), 1863.

(Extract.) M. Drouyn de Lhuys said that he was preparing the draft of the despatch which he proposed addressing to the Duc de Montebello, and that he would send it to-morrow night to Baron Gros for communication to your

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No. 697. Lordship. He hoped that your Lordship would equally communicate to him britannien, the despatch which you might decide on sending to Lord Napier. ¶ M. Drouyn 5. April 1863. de Lhuys proceeded to read to me some extracts from a despatch dated the 3rd

instant, which he had received this morning from the Duc de Gramont, and from which it would appear that on the Duke representing to Count Rechberg the desire of his Government that a copy of the Austrian despatch should be left with Prince Gortchakoff, Count Rechberg had replied that he had so intended it, and that a formal order should be given to the Austrian Chargé d'Affaires in that sense. The Duc de Gramont then proposed that the three despatches should be communicated to the Russian Vice-Chancellor by the three Representatives at St. Petersburgh in identic though separate notes, and he says that Count Rechberg did not altogether object to this course. M. Drouyn de Lhuys would prefer it, and will write in that sense to the Duc de Gramont, but without making a point of it, and he hopes that your Lordship will do the same. When the three Governments shall have agreed as to the manner in which their several despatches shall be worded, and communicated to Prince Gortchakoff (the communications should be effected, in M. Drouyn de Lhuys' opinion, with as much simultaneity as possible), his Excellency proposes that each of the three Governments should send copies of the three despatches to their Representatives at other Courts, and invite those Courts to join in the demonstration in favour of Poland in such measure as they may deem advisable. Cowley.

To Earl Russell, London.

No. 698.

GROSSBRITANNIEN.

Min. d. Ausw. and, kön. Botschafter in St. Petersburg.

- Eine Unterredung mit Baron Brunnow über den polnischen Aufstand

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No. 698.
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(Extract.) I had a long conversation yesterday with Baron Brunnow, britannien, some parts of which were of much interest. In a former conversation I had 10. April 1863. said to him that I could not be surprised that men driven to despair should commit wild deeds of revenge, or that the ferocious disciples of Mazzini should be guilty of assassinations; but that the acts of atrocity committed by the disciplined army of Russia excited, on the part of Her Majesty's Government, surprise as well as horror. Baron Brunnow had replied that dreadful crimes of savage cruelty had been perpetrated by the insurgents, and had given rise to acts of retaliation. He informed me yesterday that General Berg would take the command of the Russian army in Poland. He said that General Berg was an able commander, and was likely by his military arrangements to put an end to the insurrection. I replied that if General Berg was, as I believed, an officer of high repute, I hoped be would restore discipline in the Russian army in Poland, and punish these acts of insubordination and barbarous violence, which had hitherto been unrestrained. Baron Brunnow denied the truth of the stories

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1863.

in circulation upon this subject. ¶ Baron Brunnow asked me some questions No. 698. as to the nature of the representations about to be made at St. Petersburgh, and britannien, 10. April when I told him that the despatch of Her Majesty's Government was chiefly founded on the non-observance of the stipulations of the Treaty of Vienna, he expressed some satisfaction that we still founded our demands on the basis of that Treaty. But there was one question he felt he was entitled to ask, and that was whether the communication Her Majesty's Government were about to make at St. Petersburgh was of a pacific nature. I replied that it was, but

Baron Brunnow said he
The intentions of the Emperor

But there were projects afloat

that as I did not wish to mislead him I must say something more. Her Majesty's
Government had no intentions that were otherwise than pacific, still less any
concert with other Powers for any but pacific purposes. But the state of
things might change. The present overture of Her Majesty's Government might
be rejected as the representation of the 2nd of March had been rejected by the
Imperial Government. The insurrections in Poland might continue and might
assume larger proportions; the atrocities on both sides might be aggravated and
extended to a wider range of country. If in such a state of affairs the Emperor
of Russia were to take no steps of a conciliatory nature, dangers and complica-
tions might arise not at present in contemplation.
could not call our former despatch an overture.
towards Poland were most kind and benevolent.
for altering the map of Europe. In these projects compensations to Russia
were included. Russia entered into none of these projects; she wanted no
compensation; she held by the present territorial arrangements of Europe, and
he (Baron Brunnow) trusted Great Britain would do so likewise. I said it
was the wish of Her Majesty's Government to do so. But Russia herself had
in some cases been active in proposing and carrying into effect territorial changes.
I trusted, however, that in the present case the Emperor of Russia, by granting
an amnesty to those who would lay down their arms, and the benefits of free
institutions to Poland, would put an end to the insurrection. It had formerly
been said that the Emperor of Russia could not give liberal institutions to Poland
while he denied similar benefits to his Russian subjects. But at the present
time Russia as well as Poland might well look to the enjoyment of representative
institutions. Why should they not be granted at one and the same time to the
Kingdom of Poland and to the Empire of Russia? Baron Brunnow had no
information as to the intentions of the Emperor on this subject, and I did not
press him further *).

To Lord Napier, St. Petersburgh.

Russell.

*) Similar despatches were addressed to Lord Bloomfield and Earl Cowley.

No. 699.
Gross-

GROSSBRITANNIEN.

No. 699.

Botschafter in Berlin an d, kön. Min. d. Ausw. Die

Auslieferung russischer Unterthanen durch Preussen betr.

Berlin, April 11 (received April 13), 1863.

My Lord, - With reference to your Lordship's despatch of the 8th britannien, instant, I have acquainted M. de Bismarck with your Lordship's wish to learn 11. April 1863. the fate of the four persons referred to in my despatch of the 4th instant, who were arrested some weeks ago at Thorn, and sent across the Polish 'frontier; and whether any other persons delivered up by Prussia have been put to death by the Russian authorities; and also whether, under the Convention of 1857 political refugees from Russian Poland must, according to the terms of the Convention, be delivered up by Prussia on the demand of Russia. With regard to the first of these inquiries M. de Bismarck said that he felt convinced the persons first referred to, those arrested at Thorn, had not been put to death, but he could not give me any precise information as to their fate; and other persons to whom I have applied for information, while sharing M. de Bismarck's conviction, appeared to be equally ignorant. I am assured, however, that inquiries will be made upon the subject, and that if any Prussian authority can give the information which I have asked for, it will be communicated to me. ¶ M. de Bismarck knew nothing positively of the fate of the two officers referred to in my despatch of the 4th instant who had been delivered up to Russia, but he presumed that the one who had been guilty of murder would be executed, and that the other having been accused merely of desertion, would be sent to serve as a private in the Caucasus-the usual punishment awarded to officers of the Russian army for the offences of which they may have been guilty. With respect to the Convention of 1857, M. de Bismarck said that its provisions were, in his opinion, so elastic that they might include persons accused of any crime or misdemeanour, and that political offences, which were crimes against the State, could not afford any ground of exemption; and that as one object of the Convention had been to prevent Russian subjects from crossing into Poland on the eve of a recruitment, the greatest possible latitude had been given to the right of Russia to claim the extradition of all persons who were liable to military service. He said that almost all persons, therefore, leaving Russia might be claimed under that category. ¶ M. de Bismarck added that there was another Convention which had been entered into between Austria, Russia, and Prussia in 1834, and which, having never been abrogated, was still in force, if Russia thought fit to appeal to it, by which the three Powers are mutually bound to deliver up to each other refugees who may have been guilty of high treason or crimes against the State, including individuals belonging to Associations of a revolutionary character. His Excellency believed, however, that Russia would not avail herself of this right, and she had not addressed any demands either to Austria or Prussia for the extradition of the refugees who had escaped from Poland. I inclose a copy of this Convention, with a translation by Mr.

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