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on the portion of that country brought under its sway. His Excellency also No. 692. reminded me that, desiring to deal with this question in a humane and concilia- britannien, tory spirit, he had abstained from using the argument which was at his command, the argument of the right of the conqueror. After the insurrection of 1830, any limitation of the absolute authority of Russia which might have previously existed had lapsed. The Poles had engaged in hostilities against Russia. They had been subdued by force of arms. The power of Russia had been established on a new basis. The Vice-Chancellor concluded by saying that it had been free to him to accept my communication, to reserve the rights of his Sovereign, and to abstain from all discussion on this subject. Her Majesty's Government had, however, unequivocally declared that their communication was conceived in a most friendly spirit towards Russia; accepting this declaration, he had responded to the reflections of your Lordship, and in the course which he had taken he desired that your Lordship would recognize a proof of the amicable sentiments by which he was animated towards Her Majesty's Government.

To Earl Russell, London.

I have, &c.
Napier *).

No. 693.

GROSSBRITANNIEN. Min. d. Ausw. a. d. kön. Botschafter in Paris.
Haltung Oesterreichs in der polnischen Frage betr. **)

Foreign Office, March 21, 1863.

Die

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(Extract.) It is important that your Lordship should be enabled to No. 693. judge correctly the attitude taken by Austria, during the late discussions upon britannien, the affairs of Poland. Three despatches have been read to me at different times by Count Apponyi. The first of these despatches was a despatch addressed by Count Rechberg to Count Apponyi. It was limited to an explanation of the position taken by Austria in respect to the insurrection which had broken out in the Polish Provinces of Russia bordering on Galicia. The action of Austria, Count Rechberg stated, was confined to an exact fulfilment of international obligations, as defined by Treaties and by the law of nations. Austria, while scrupulously performing all that duty enjoined, had declined to extend by any new Convention her engagements towards Russia. She had not listened to overtures from Prussia in this sense. The second despatch was addressed by

*) Ueber die Entstehungsgeschichte der vorstehenden Depesche schreibt Lord Napier an Lord Russell unter dem 11. März weiter:,,In conformity with Prince Gortchakoff's wishes I submitted the draft of my despatch of the 9th instant, relative to the affairs of Poland, to his Excellency on the evening of the 9th instant. The Vice-Chancellor suggested a few omissions, to which I acceded. The report, as it now stands, contains an authentic record of his Excellency's expressions on this occasion. The despatch, having been copied out, was shown to His Majesty the Emperor yesterday morning, but I pointed out to Prince Gortchakoff that I was not enabled to furnish his Excellency with a copy of it at present."

**) Eine ähnliche Depesche wurde an Lord Napier gerichtet.

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No. 693. Count Rechberg to Prince Metternich at Paris. A copy of this despatch was britannien, forwarded to London, and was read to me by Count Apponyi. ¶ The French Government having asked the Austrian Government to join them in a representation at Berlin against the Russo-Prussian Convention on Polish affairs, and having communicated a project of note embodying their views, Count Rechberg on the 27th of February addressed a despatch to Prince Metternich, in which, while approving the language and sentiments of the French note, he declined to join in the proposed communication, on the ground of the exceptional position of Austria in respect of the general principles of her policy, and her special interests in the Polish question. He stated that the Austrian Government considered the Convention inopportune, and regretted its conclusion, but that they felt bound to consider whether they could openly remonstrate against it at Berlin without departing from the principles which they had always hitherto proclaimed, and giving their sanction by implication to the adoption of the principle of non-intervention in international questions, against which they had invariably protested. With regard to the special interests of Austria, Count Rechberg said that although the Austrian Government had no intention of taking active measures so long as the insurrection was confined to Russian Poland, they could not ignore the existence of revolutionary elements, which were only awaiting a favourable opportunity to extend their action to Galicia. ¶ Notwithstanding the calmness and wisdom shown by the Polish subjects of the Emperor, which the Austrian Government were glad to acknowledge, they would not, even indirectly, encourage national aspirations incompatible with the maintenance of their rule. France and England, not being restrained by any such considerations, might safely declare sympathies which the care of her own interests forbade Austria to express; and, looking impartially at her position, those two Powers must acknowledge that she could not act in concert with them, without compromising the advantages which she had derived from her reserved attitude. ¶ Hopes must not be raised which were not intended to be realized, or expectations excited which would afterwards have to be repressed, and it would be the height of imprudence to arouse aspirations in Galicia by holding out to the Poles a prospect destitute of reality. The demonstration which the French Government proposed to make at Berlin, however mitigated in form, might have results greater than were intended, and might provoke agitations which the Austrian Government might be compelled to repress by acts which they had hitherto been able to avoid. The Austrian Government, moreover, could hardly now pronounce a condemnation of the Convention, seeing that they had replied by a simple refusal to the overtures that were made to them from Berlin to accede to it. In reply to confidential observations, which the French Ambassador was instructed to make to Count Rechberg, as to the advantages likely to accrue to Austria from the contrast between her conduct to the Poles and that of Prussia and Russia, his Excellency remarked that if the Polish subjects of the Emperor of Austria were to be expected to appreciate the real advantages which they enjoyed, they must not be encouraged in illusions whose empty attraction would make them indifferent to the benefits which they

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derived from their position. The Austrian Government would, on that account, No. 693. be most unwilling prematurely to raise questions and eventualities which did not britannien, yet seem near at hand. With reference to the allusion made by the French Government to the performance of the stipulations of 1815 in regard to the Kingdom of Poland, Count Rechberg observed that a step in that direction might produce results still more serious than the present complications. It was doubtful if the Court of St. Petersburgh would be disposed to accept friendly representations, and a more serious invitation would be a measure of such gravity that it could not be resorted to without the maturest deliberation. Count Rechberg thought it unnecessary to examine an eventuality which was only casually alluded to by M. Drouyn de Lhuys, but he added that the principle of a return to the strict performance of Treaties was one the advantages of which had always been proclaimed by Austria, but which required a general application, and must not be limited only to the stipulations of 1815 respecting Poland.

Passing over this delicate subject, and looking upon the proposal of the French Government as one which did not relate to eventualities, Count Rechberg stated that after a conscientious examination of the advantages and disadvantages of the proposed co-operation, he had submitted the result to the Emperor, who had decided that the attitude adopted by the Imperial Government should be persisted in, as the one most in accordance with the interests of the Empire. Count Rechberg concluded with an expression of regret that the Austrian Government had not been able to take advantage of this opportunity to prove their desire to act in concert with France and England in great questions of European policy. The third despatch was addressed to Count Apponyi, and was an answer to the despatch addressed by me to Lord Bloomfield inviting the co-operation of Austria at St. Petersburgh, in making friendly representations to Russia on the ground of the Treaty of 1815 in respect to Poland. After recapitulating my despatches to Lord Napier and Lord Bloomfield, Count Rechberg states that without discussing the views of the English Cabinet, or the opportunity of the measure in which they had invited the Austrian Government to participate, he expressed to Lord Bloomfield the regret of the Imperial Government at not being able to offer to Great Britain a co-operation such as that proposed. The motives which guided this decision on the part of the Imperial Government are, says Count Rechberg, so obvious and imperative that they cannot fail to be appreciated by Her Britannic Majesty's Government." His Excellency then refers to the answer which he lately gave to the French proposal for joint action at Berlin in the affairs of Poland, in which he believes that he showed with sufficient clearness the reasons which impose upon Austria a special attitude of prudence and reserve in face of the events now passing in Poland.

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It would be mere repetition to reiterate all the arguments which were brought forward to prove to the French Government the absolute impossibility of any deviation on the part of Austria from the line of conduct which she has hitherto followed with the general approbation of Europe. The Austrian Government believe that they have taken into account the dictates of humanity as well as their international obligations, and they flatter themselves that by their attitude

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No. 693. they contribute to all that the interests of Europe and of the public peace can britannien, require. Austria, moreover, has special interests to protect, which are too 1863. seriously affected by everything that concerns Poland to allow her to follow England and France in all her manifestations in favour of Polish nationality. ¶Adverting again to the terms of his despatch to Prince Metternich, Count Rechberg states that the objections in it which are founded on this class of ideas („fondées sur cet ordre d'idées") apply equally to the step which I have proposed to Austria to take, and he adds that I cannot wonder if the Austrian Government persevere in the attitude which they marked out for themselves from the first. Count Rechberg concludes by saying that he thinks it right to add one more observation. No one is more interested than Austria in seeing an end put to a deplorable state of things, which is a constant menace to the security of her own territory. But past experience, the events of 1831, and the well-known aspirations of the leaders of the Polish movement, make it doubtful whether the measures which I recommend the Government of the Emperor Alexander to adopt are sufficient entirely to pacify Poland, to satisfy its inhabitants, and fulfil the wishes of those who are now in arms.

To Earl Cowley, Paris.

Russell.

No. 694.

No. 694.
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GROSSBRITANNIEN.

Botschafter in Berlin a. d. kön. Min. d. Ausw. Die preussische Politik in der polnischen Frage betr.

Berlin, April 4 (received April 6), 1863.

(Extract.) In a conversation which I had this morning with M. de britannien, Bismarck, I expressed surprise that while Austria appeared to consider she 4. April 1863. might, without any danger to her Polish province, co-operate with Her Majesty's Government and that of France in endeavouring to obtain from the Government of Russia those rights which the people of Poland are entitled to claim, Prussia should hold aloof, and exhibit herself to Europe as the ally of Russia in the oppression of Polish nationality; and I said it seemed to me that it would be worth her while to attract to herself some of the European sympathy and approval which Austria was likely to gain in this question. He replied it was impossible for Prussia to change a policy which she had pursued for the last two years; and, after warning the Emperor of Russia, during that time, of the inevitable consequences of encouraging Polish aspirations after nationality, to call upon him now to grant the Poles the autonomy claimed for them. &c. Buchanan.

To Earl Russell, London.

No. 695.

GROSSBRITANNIEN. - Botschafter in Wien an d. kön. Min. d. Ausw. Den vergeblichen Versuch, die österreichische Regierung zu einer Collectivnote in der polnischen Angelegenheit zu bewegen, betr.

Vienna, April 2 (received April 6), 1863.

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My Lord, on the receipt of your Lordship's telegram of the 28th No. 695. ultimo, stating that a collective note on the affairs of Poland to be addressed to britannien, 2. April Russia by Austria, England, and France, was under consideration, and that Her 1863. Majesty's Government hoped it would be drawn up in such terms that the Austrian Government, with whom they are most anxious to act, will consent to sign it, I lost no time in informing Count Rechberg of the communication which had reached me. Having met with a trifling accident which prevented my leaving the house, his Excellency and the French Ambassador were kind enough to call on me together on Sunday. Count Rechberg said that he was most desirous to act on this question with England and France, but that the exceptional position of Austria in regard to her Polish Province of Galicia rendered it impossible for her to adopt exactly the same course as that which might be decided on by England and France; that he had taken the Emperor's orders, and submitted to His Imperial Majesty the draft of a despatch to be addressed to the Austrian Chargé d'Affaires at St. Petersburgh, which he thought would answer the purpose we had in view, and at all events preserve a community of sentiment on the part of the three Powers. His Excellency read this despatch, and as neither the Duc de Gramont nor myself saw the least chance of obtaining the assent of the Imperial Government to the principle of a collective note, it only remained for us to express our regret that Austria could not take the step in the form we had proposed. Count Rechberg said that he was ready to forward the draft of his despatch to London and Paris, and that if approved of it might be communicated to Prince Gortchakoff at the same time as the notes of England and France. Seeing that no better arrangement was likely to be obtained, we requested Count Rechberg to send off the necessary instructions to London and Paris without delay, which he promised to do, and Count Apponyi will probably have communicated the proposed Austrian despatch to your Lordship some days before this can reach your hands. ¶ I have, &c.

Bloomfield.

To Earl Russell, London.

Staatsarchiv IV. 1863.

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