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Sermons, Ørations, Popular Lectures, &r.

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Hon. ALEX. H. STEPHENS, OF GEORGIA.

NEW YORK:

PUBLISHED BY E. D, BARKER,

135 GRAND STREET.

LONDON : Trubner & Co., 60 Paternoster Row.

March

1st,

1862.

SEE NEXT PAGE FOR LIST OF BACK NUMBERS,

.

THE PULPIT AND ROSTRUM,

AN ELEGANT PAMPHLET SERIAL,
CONTAINS REPORTS OF THE BEST

SERMONS, LECTURES, ORATIONS, Etc.

ANDREW J. GRAHAM and CHARLES B. COLLAR, Reporters.
Twelve Numbers, $1.00, in advance; Single Number, 10 cents.

THE special object in the publication of this Serial is, to preserve in convenient form the best thoughts of our most gifted men, just as they come from their lips ; thus retaining their freshness and personality. Great favor has already been shown the work, and its continuance is certain. The successive numbers will be issued as often as Discourses worthy a place in the Serial can be found out of the many reported, we hope to elect twelve each year.

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NUMBERS ALREADY PUBLISHED.
No. 1.-CHRISTIAN RECREATION AND UNCHRISTIAN AMUSEMENT,
Sermon by Rev T L. CUYLER.

No. 2.—MENTAL CULTURE FOR WOMEN, Addresses by Rev. H. W. BRECHEP and Hon. JAS. T. BRADY.

No. 3.-GRANDEURS OF ASTRONOMY, Discourse by Prof. O. M. MITCHELL,

No. 4.–PROGRESS AND DEMANDS OF CHRISTIANITY, Sermon by Rev. WM. H. MILEURN.

No. 5.--JESUS AND THE RESURRECTION, Sermon by Rev. A. KINGMAN NOTT

No. 6.---TRIBUTE TO HUMBOLDT, Addresses by Hon. GEO. BANCROFT, Rev. Dr. THOMPSON, Profs. AGASSIZ, LIEBER, BACHE and Guyot.

No. 7.—COMING TO CHRIST, Sermon by Rev. HENRY M. SCUDDER, D. D., M. D

No. 8.- DANIEL WEBSTER, Oration by Hon. EDWARD EVERETT, at the Inauguration of the statue of Webster, at Boston, Sept. 17th, 1859.

No. 9.-A CHEERFUL TEMPER, a Thanksgiving Discourse, by Rev. WM. ADAMS, D. D.

No. 10.-DEATH OF WASHINGTON IRVING, Address by Hon. EDWARI) EVERETT and Sermon by Rev. Jno. A. TODD.

No. 11.–GEORGE WASHINGTON, Oration by Hon. Thos, S. Bocock, at the inauguration of the statue of Washington, in the city of Washington, February 2d, 1860.

No. 12.-TRAVEL, ITS PLEASURES, ADVANTAGES AND REQUIREMENTS, Lecture by J. H. SIDDONS.

No. 13.—ITALIAN INDEPENDENCE, Addresses by Rev. HENRY WARD BEECHEN ,
Rev. HENRY W. BELLOWS, D. D., Rev. Jos. P. THOMPSON, D. D., and Prof. O. M.
MITCHELL Delivered in New York, Feb. 17th, 1860.

Nor 14.-SUCCESS OF OUR REPUBLIC, Oration by Hon. EDWARD EVERETT, in
Boston, July 4th, 1860

Nos. 15 & 16.-(Two in one, 20 cents.) WEBSTER'S SPEECH, in the United
States Senate, on the FORCE BILL, and JACKSON'S PROCLAMATION to South
Carolina in 1833.

Nos. 17 & 18.- (Two in one, 20 cents.) WEBSTER'S REPLY TO HAYNE,

No. 19.--LAFAYDETE, Oration by Hon. CHARLES SUMNER, delivered in New Pork and Philadeli !! 1860

No. 20.—THE CAUSES OF THE AMERICAN CIVIL WAR, a paper contributed to the London Times, by J. LOTHROP MOTLEY.

Nos. 21 & 22, (Two in one, 20 cents). -"THE QUESTIONS OF THE DAY." The great oration of EDWARD EVERETT, delivered at the Academy of Music, July 4, 1861.

No. 23.-PROVIDENCE IN THE WAR; A Thanksgiving Discourse, by the Rev. S. D. BURCHARD, D.D., delivered in New York, November 28th, 1861.

No. 24.-THE SOUTHERN REBELLION, and the Constitsionul iewers of the Republic for its Suppression. An Address by the Hon. HEN 1721)Am, belure the Mercantile Library Association of Brooklyn, November 11, 1861

No. 25.-THE WAR FOR THE UNION. An Address ony WENDELL PynLIPS, delivered in New Vorlesinin 300".m namigera

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A Speech by Hon. Garrett Davis, of Kentucky, delivered in the U. S. Senaie,

January 23, 1862. Revised by the Author.

Mr. Davis commenced speaking on the 22d, upon a resolution expelling Senato: Bright, of Indiana, but gave way for the Senate to go into executive session. On the 23 he finished his very able argument on the resolution, and concluded by dealing with the subject of emancipation in reply to several Senators, among whom were Mr. Sumner, of Massachusetts, and Mr. Harlan, of Iowa, to whom it will be noticed he makes allusion. After introducing the subject, and paying a high trivule to John Quincy Adams, he spoke as follows:

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I av för putting down this rebellion. I am for visiting the leaders with every punishment that can be constitutionally inflicted, So far as you can hang the leaders, I say, in the name of justice and of our country, hang them. So far as you can constitutionally forfeit their property-and forfeiting and confiscation are different things—forfeit it. In confiscation, the property goes into the king's exchequer. In forfeiture, it may go to the king, and will go to him, unless there is a different destination expressed; or it may go to the public, or it may go to individuals. I say forfeit all the estate you can constitutionally of those who have taken an active part in this rebellion; and instead of vesting it in the nation -in the United States, if that is disagreeable to gentlemen—forfeit it to the innocent and true and faithful men who have been impoverished, and whose families bave been reduced to penury and want by the ravages of this war. Let it make atonement to them. There is a just retribution-in my judgment a constitutional retribution. Let that retribution be made. You may make it in that form without any violation of the Constitution.

At this point let me put a question to the Senator from Massachusetts. While that assembly of sages and of patriots were deliberating upon the formation of the Constitution at Philadelpliia, they despaired at one time of being able to accomplish anything, and were about to separate in despair and give up their country in hopeless despondency. Franklin advised that they should appeal to the throne of grace for iostruction and light. That appeal was made, and the fruits were afterward manifested in the adoption of the Constitution. Suppose that any member of that couvention

had proposed to incorporate into the Constitution, in explicit words, just the powers for which the gentleman now contends, how many votes in the convention would such a constitution have obtained ? If it could have passed that ordeal, and had come to be submitted, as it was directed and advised by the members of the convention to be submitted, to the people of the States in convention (not in their State government, not to their legislatures, but to the people of the States in their power and capacity, sitting in sovereign convention), how many of the States would have approved of a constitution containing express provisions granting the powers which the gentleman now claims? The Constitution never would have been made.

A few more words, Mr. President, and I have done, and I make my humble apology to the Senate for having detained it so long. The gentleman said that slavery was the cause of this rebellion. In my judgment it has inany causes. If the word “slavery” had never been spoken in the halls of Congress, there would have been no rebellion, as I think. One of the remote causes of this rebellion was the acquisition of Texas. I chanced to be a member of the other IIouse when the joint resolution usurping the treaty-making power was introduced in the House of Representatives to admit Texas as a State into the Union. A treaty had been negotiated to that effect a few weeks before by Mr. Calhoun, as secretary of state for Mr. Tyler. The Democratic party, though they wanted to use Tyler to subvert and overthrow the party which placed him in power, never intended to make him their chief, and themselves never confided any power to him. They determined that he and his administration should never have the Jeffersonian glory and fame of having added such a province as Texas to the United States of America.

They therefore voted down that treaty; they would not allow it to get a two-third vote in the Senate, which was requisite. In a few weeks afterward a joint resolution, admitting Texas, a foreign territory, into the Union, was introduced. I say that no onstitution was ever more palpably and flagitiously violated than was the Constitution of the United States by the introduction and passage of that resolution. It is preposterous and absurd to say that Congress, the legislative department of the Government, clothed with no part or parcel of the treaty-making power, may admit foreign territory into the United States either as Territory or State. I voted against it then. It is no precedent to me now. It is such a

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