"A thousand fold will we be united rather with the Northwest than with those distant States.

They have proved their truth to the Union; they have proved their sympathy and their kindred to us. When they were young, Kentucky sent forth its chivalry, and shed its blood in their defense. In Harmer's and St. Clair's campaigns the unbroken wilderness was made red with the best blood of Kentucky. At Tippecanoe, in 1811, Indiana received from Kentucky the same oblation. In the war of 1812, Ohio, Indiana, and Michigan all had Kentucky blood poured out as water to drive the savage foe, both British and Indian, from their borders; and never, never was there a call upon Kentucky, that her true and brave sons did not go to the defense of their common country in these sister States. We felt that these States owed us something; but oh! how nobly and truthfully and fully are they paying the debt. I have seen mothers and daughters, fathers and sons—the whole population assembled all through my portion of Kentucky to meet and to greet these coming hosts from Ohio and Indiana, to protect their Government, and to protect that State which had protected them in bygone days. And oh! what meetings they were, what an outpouring of the heart and of all its truest and best sympathies! I have been in their camps, I have mingled with their officers, I have conversed with their soldiers, I have addressed their regiments; they have elected me honorary member of their regiments. I know your Cills and your Nortons, your Harrises, your Heckers, foreigners and natives, who are commanders of these regiments. I know that they have as nine to one expressed to me that their purpose, and their only purpose in waging this war, was the restoration of the Union and the vindication of the Government, and not to war upon slavery. Thus writes one of them from the camp at Glenn's Fork, Pulaski County, and no doubt this gallant son of Indiana was in the late hard-fought battle there.

"As an Indianian, and a member of the army of the Union, I can not fail to express my satisfaction at the just and conservative course of the Louisville Journa on the slavery question. Indiana is not fighting for the emancipation of the slaves, but for the restoration of law and order. When that shall have been accomplished, our mission is ended.

"Out of the officers and soldiers of the Tenth Indiana, I do not know of one Abolitionist. If Congress would legislate for the benefit of white men, and let the negro alone, it would be better."

That is the instinct of

And oh! how much better it would be! truth and patriotism, of mind and heart; and that utterance nine tenths of the soldiery of the Northwest speak and will speak for

ever. If, sir, you had proposed your measure before this grand and all-conquering army had been collected together, and told them it was to be a war upon slavery, you would never have had one fourth of the host in the field that you have. When a party wins power, the best way to preserve it is to use it in moderation, and especially within the Constitution. Fanaticism and passion and excitement never did and never will wisely legislate for or govern any country. Senators, you are supposed to act, not from passion and a desire of vengeance and to punish, but from reason and patriotism, and right and truth, and eternal justice. If you act upon these principles, and allay the swelling passions as they rise in your bosoms, I am not afraid to trust you.

But, Mr. President, these fanatics, these political and social demons-your Greeleys, your Cheevers, your Phillipses, and your Garrisons-that come here, like spirits from the infernal regions, to bring another pandemonium into our councils, to violate the Constitution, to walk to the destruction of slavery over all its broken fragments, and to oppose Lincoln, as honest and as pure a man as lives, because he does not go with them in their extreme opposition to slavery-what ought to be done with them? The utterances which I have read to you they have dared to give in this city. They have desecrated the Smithsonian Institution to the utterance of such sentiments. If secessionists or those who sympathize with them had made the same utterances, they would have been sent, and properly sent, to Fort Lafayette or to Fort Warren. What should you do with these monsters? I will tell you what I would do with them; that horrid monster, Greeley, and those other monsters, who are howling over this city like famished wolves after slavery that slavery which was established by the Constitution and by Washington. What should be done with them? If I had the power, I would take them with the worst "secesh," and I would hang them in pairs. [Sensation.] I wish before God that I could inflict that punishment upon them. It would not be too severe. They are the agitators; they are disunionists; they are the madmen who are willing to call up all the infernal passions and all the horrors of servile war, and to disregard utterly the Constitution, and march triumphantly over its broken, disjected fragments to attain their unholy purposes, and I am too fearful that the honorable gentleman from Massachusetts sympathizes with them.

Mr. President, I most humbly ask the pardon of the Senate for

64 THE WAR: NOT FOR EMANCIPATION OR CONFISCATION.

this desultory, lengthy, and discursive discourse. I trust I have wounded the feelings of no gentleman. It was not my purpose to do so; it was far from my purpose. I want the Union restored. If it is to be restored, it is by the instrumentality of the President of the United States. In his integrity and patriotism and truth I place implicit confidence. IIe is a moderate man in his principles. He He is a just man. He is a wise man. If he were left to his own counsels, to the suggestions of his own reason, to the impulses of his own heart, if he had a little more of the stern and iron element of a Clay or an "Old Hickory," and would act out his own will, and repress the men whose pestilent counsels distract him and neutralize his efforts to bring this war to a speedy and to a triumphant close, I think that he would act his part more nobly and with more success. So far as I am concerned, he has my confidence and my respect. I can clothe him with no power by my vote to carry on this war vigorously and successfully, within the Constitution, that I will withhold from him. I want the aid of Black Republicans and Republicans and Democrats and all, in this holy work. I care not what laurels and honors and hopes of future emolument and office any man may win.

I admired, beyond measure almost, the dead hero Lyon. In my judgment, he showed himself more of a warrior than any man who has yet exhibited himself in the field during this struggle. The moment that he detected the purposes of Camp Jackson at St. Louis, he moved upon it and captured it and all of its hosts. When the traitor Jackson, the disloyal governor of Missouri, issued his treasonable proclamation, and fled toward Booneville, the active, the dauntless, and the military Lyon was after him with his army, and overtook and dispersed his hosts to the wind. He and Sigel, a foreigner, but a warrior, himself a man of military education, a genius naturally, met the foe at Carthage, and fought a small battle, but one of the most perfect battles, in my judgment, of which history gives any record. Then the enemy returned in a vast host to Springfield. With an inferior army, Lyon and Sigel met them again. Two regiments were at Rolla that ought to have been sent to reinforce them, but they were not sent; if they had been, our arms might have won the day. Lyon, to save the cause of his country and of Missouri, made the battle. He rushed into the thickest of the fight, and he fell a voluntary martyr to his country's cause, and then Sigel made one of the most masterly retreats that I have read of. I wish that that dead hero was now

alive, again to marshal our armies to victory and to help to deliver the country from its imperiled condition. Mr. President, let any warrior come who has capacity to bring it to a close or to contribute materially to its success, I care not what his politics, I give him my faith, my support, my admiration, my gratitude, and so will my State, or the Union portion of it. We want the assistance of everybody, of every Union man to bring this war to a close, and we trusted, before I left home, and I still trust, that these discordant questions, these measures which must divide us, will be left unattempted, at least until the war has crushed out the most wicked and infamous rebellion that ever was made in the tide of time.

AFRICAN SLAVERY

THE CORNER-STONE OF THE SOUTHERN CONFEDERACY.

A Speech by Hon. Alexander II. Stephens, Vice-President of the Confederate States of America, delivered at the Atheneum, Savannah, March 22, 1861.

The Mayor, who presided, introduced the speaker with a few pertinent remarks, and Mr. Stephens was greeted with deafening rounds of applause, after which he spoke as follows:

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Mr. Mayor and GENTLEMEN OF THE COMMITTEE, AND FELLOWCITIZENS-For this reception, you will please accept my most profound and sincere thanks. The compliment is doubtless intended as much, or more perhaps, in honor of the occasion, and my public position in connection with the great events now crowding upon us, than to me personally and individually. It is, however, none the less appreciated on that account. We are in the midst of one of the greatest epochs in our history. The last ninety days will mark one of the most memorable eras in the history of modern civilization.

[There was a general call from the outside of the building for the speaker to go out; that there were more outside than in. The Mayor rose and requested silence at the doors; said Mr. Stephens's health would not permit him to speak in the

open air. Mr. Stephens said he would leave it to the audience whether he should proceed indoors or out. There was a general cry indoors, as the ladies-a large number of whom were present-could not hear outside. Mr. Stephens said that the accommodation of the ladies would determine the question, and he would pro ceed where he was. At this point the uproar and clamor outside were greater still for the speaker to go out on the steps. This was quieted by Col. Lawton, Col. Foreman, Judge Jackson, and Mr. J. W. Owens, going out and stating the facts of the case to the dense mass of men, women, and children who were outside, and entertaining them in short, brief speeches, Mr. Stephens all this time quietly sitting down until the furor subsided.]

Mr. Stephens rose and said-When perfect quiet is restored I shall proceed. I can not speak as long as there is any noise or confusion. I shall take my time. I feel as though I could spendi the night with you, if necessary. [Loud applause.] I very much regret that every one who desires can not hear what I have to say, not that I have any display to make, or anything very entertaining to present; but such views as I have to give I wish all, not only in this city, but in this State, and throughout our Confederated Republic, could hear, who have a desire to hear them.

I was remarking that we were passing through one of the greatest revolutions in the annals of the world. Seven States have, within the last three months, thrown off an old government, and formed a new. This revolution has been signally marked, up to this time, by the fact of its having been accomplished without the loss of a single drop of blood. [ [Applause.] This new constitution, or form of government, constitutes the subject to which your attention will be partly invited.

In reference to it, I make this first general remark: It amply secures all our ancient rights, franchises, and privileges. All the great principles of Magna Charta are retained in it. No citizen is deprived of life, liberty, or property but by the judgment of his peers, under the laws of the land. The great principle of religious liberty, which was the honor and pride of the old Constitution, is still maintained and secured. All the essentials of the old Constitution, which have endeared it to the hearts of the American people, have been preserved and perpetuated. [Applause.] Some changes have been made; of these I shall speak presently. of these I should have preferred not to have been made, but these perhaps meet the cordial approbation of a majority of this audience, if not an overwhelming majority of the people of the Confederacy. Of them, therefore, I will not speak. But other important changes do meet my cordial approbation. They form great improvements on the old Constitution. So, taking the whole new Constitution, I have no hesitancy in giving it as my judgment that it is decidedly better than the old. [Applause.] Allow me

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