est of all problems, as if the purpose were to discredit their work before public opinion. But the real weakness is in their own lack of political and business discipline. The spell of abstractions is still upon them to such extent that personal wrangling over "great and sacred principles" makes it almost impossible to get through a congress that brings the five parties together. A Belgian socialist, as successful in business as he was in parliament, once gave me letters of introduction to some of his friends in France. He added: "Our socialist brothers over there are still in the primary school. They are talking about the universe, when they have got to learn to manage a shop and a small town. They abuse us because we are at work at the small end with small things."

This brief account would lack both truth and justice, if it failed to note another high quality that is perhaps at present more useful to the cause in France than the best "municipal housekeeping." This is the socialist appeal to the national conscience to begin disarmament. Under the magnetic leadership of the scholarly Jaurès, thousands of Frenchmen are for the first time admitting the vast stupidity of the increasing military burdens of that people. In the name of the working classes, Jaurès cries halt to this criminal policy. With a sustained moral passion that reminds one of Mazzini, he calls upon his countrymen to rise above the petty provincialism "marked off by the surveyor's line," and "enter upon the ways that lead toward self-respect and brotherhood." His stinging utterances against the slowness and inactivity of the Church, in this effort toward an international morality,

has stirred multitudes of people in that country. "Is the work," he asks, "which the professed followers of Christ have so infamously neglected, to be done by socialists?"

་

In a great hall packed with students, I once heard a three hours' debate on this subject, between a priest and a socialist. It was the heavy task of the priest to argue, throughout, for the necessity of the army, human nature being as it is." Every popular catchword about the flag and patriotism was brought into skilful use, in his apology for Christian nations in their elaborate preparations to carry slaughter and death among their fellow-Christians. Was not a

great army and navy forsooth the best safeguard of peace?

The plea of the socialist was for a policy, every practical aim of which should lead toward fraternity, by throwing off the express signs and symbols of enmity. For a long future, he admitted the necessity of a "home militia" for possible self-defence, but asked that every youth be taught ethically that all preparation for offensive war is a crime against humanity and the last insult to the Christ tradition which stands (if it stands for anything) for peace and good will among men.

I came away from this debate with a professor in the local university. He said with much feeling, "To have that debate here once more, would unchurch every student in the university and make him a socialist, if it has not already done so."

It is in this spirit that socialists are uniting in a very noble attempt to sting Christian nations into some sense of moral shame because of this great

iniquity. In this holiest of all crusades Jaurès and his followers are at the front.

This "socialism in the making" will substitute work for phrases as heavier and more definite responsibilities are thrown upon it. The process which brings this safer and saner mind is seen at its best in the recent history of the German movement, to which we now turn.

CHAPTER X

FROM REVOLUTION TO REFORM

I SHALL consider the German and Belgian experience in much detail, because it offers us the best possible criticism upon the socialist movement as a whole. It represents it in its later and riper stages. I deliberately substitute this experience for speculative discussion, confident that this actual history of failure and success throws far more light upon the issues than volumes of subtle theorizing. We do not know what the socialistic principle can do, or what it can not do. It has now made two extraordinary records; one political, the other political and economic. It is to these records I now refer the reader. They furnish lessons of such obvious significance that there would be little hope for any people who refused to heed them.

So far as political duties alone can steady men, the German social democrats have been at last forced to take step with the great army of those who do the ordinary work of carrying on the empire. Within my own personal experience with some of the leaders of this party, the change of attitude on very vital points has been so radical, that one hesitates to state it except in their own words. Socialists are extremely. sensitive about these changes of opinion within their own ranks, and I shall not therefore trust to notes taken during three years' residence in that country and during four visits at more recent periods.

Even if it somewhat overload the text, the most authoritative proofs should be given. These changes have been brought about by the bearing of specific responsibilities. In Germany these are almost exclusively political. Bamberger, who with the eye of an enemy watched the growth of social democracy in Parliament, told me that what had interested him most was to see the effect of parliamentary life upon the outward behavior, the manners and dress, of these representatives of the labor classes. "Even those who are most persistent in marking themselves off by external peculiarities, gradually get subdued by their surroundings, so that in dress and bearing strangers are bothered to know where the socialists sit."

It is of much more weight that this subduing process does not affect the outside only, but thought and opinion as well. Let us take one by one the leading revolutionary principles which had the sacredness of a religion to the older German socialist.

(a) After their parliamentary life began, men who guided the opinion of the party held, as Bellamy came to believe, that the social revolution was to happen at a date so near, that one was safe in stating it as twenty-five years at the utmost. The great struggle was just ahead and was to come abruptly to an end. The words of their leader, Bebel, were: "For it is the last social struggle. The nineteenth century will hardly be at an end before this struggle shall be practically ended." He even held that the entire

1

1" Die Frau," p. 352. (Denn es ist der letzte sociale Kampf. Das 19. Jahrhundert wird schwerlich zu Ende gehen, ohne dass dieser Kampf so gut wie entschieden ist.)