PREFACE BY THE PUBLISHERS.

The author of this book, Samuel C. Parks, was born in Middlebury, Vermont, in 1820. Was educated at the Indiana State University, and located in Springfield, Illinois, in 1840, and while a young man he became acquainted with Mr. Lincoln and was always his ardent admirer and close personal and political friend. He was a member of the Illinois Legislature in 1855. Was a delegate from the Springfield district (Illinois) to the first Republican National Convention, held in Philadelphia in 1856, when Fremont was nominated for President. Was at the Republican National Convention held in Chicago in 1860, and assisted in nominating Mr. Lincoln for President. He was appointed associate justice of the Supreme Court of Idaho by President Lincoln in 1862. Was on the Grant electoral ticket in Illinois in 1868. Was a member of the Illinois Constitutional Convention in 1870. Was appointed associate justice of the Supreme Court of New Mexico in 1878 by President Hayes. Was transferred to the Supreme Court of Wyoming in 1882 by President Arthur.

PREFACE.

In the preface to his treatise on International Law, William E. Hall says: "Since it has come into existence, it has often been quietly ignored or brutally disregarded." The history of the world from the time of Grotius, "the father of International Law," to the present day proves this to be true. Nearly every great nation has violated that law, "quietly" or "brutally." Great Britain has perhaps been more guilty than any other nation. That the United States has been guilty of the same offense within the last two years is shown by the speeches in this book.

From about one to three pages of the speeches herein ascribed to Mr. Clay, Gen. Grant, Mr. Lincoln, Mr. Madison, Count Tolstoi, and Bishop Simpson, respectively, are taken almost literally from their published works. And all of the sentiments and opinions ascribed to the twelve speakers are believed to be in harmony with their respective characters, and to correspond with what they have either done, said, or written.

The greater part of the book was written six months ago. Its completion and publication have been unavoidably delayed till the present time.

June, 1900.

DEDICATION TO ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

In the summer of the year 1860, at my request and for me, you examined and corrected a biography of yourself which I wished to use in the pending presidential campaign.

Nothing in that book was of more interest and importance than that part of your speech in Springfield, on the 26th day of June, 1860, in which you expressed your view of the meaning and object of that part of the Declaration of Independence which declares that "all men are created equal."

In this "view," as given by the book in question, you made but one correction, substituting the preposition "in" for "with." This was done three years after the speech was written and delivered. So that "view" is your well-considered and deliberate opinion of the most important question affecting the human race, outside of its eternal destiny. The following is the passage referred to, taken from the copy of the speech in the book as it was corrected by you for me:

"I think the authors of that notable instrument intended to include all men, but they did not intend to declare all men equal in all respects. They did not mean to say all were equal in color, size, intellect, moral development, or social capacity. They defined with tolerable distinctness in what respects they did consider all men created equal -equal in certain inalienable rights, among which are 'life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.' This they said,

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Dedication to Abraham Lincoln.

and this they meant. They did not mean to assert the obvious untruth that all were then actually enjoying that equality, nor yet that they were about to confer it immediately upon them. In fact, they had no power to confer such a boon. They meant simply to declare the right, so that the enforcement of it might follow as fast as circumstances should permit.

"They meant to set up a standard maxim for free society, which should be familiar to all, and revered by all; constantly looked to, constantly labored for, and even though never perfectly attained, constantly approximated, and thereby constantly spreading and deepening its influence, and augmenting the happiness and value of life to all people of all colors everywhere. The assertion that "all men are created equal" was of no practical use in effecting our separation from Great Britain; and it was placed in the Declaration, not for that, but for future use. Its authors meant it to be as-thank God! it is now proving itself-a stumbling-block to all those who, in after times, might seek to turn a free people back into the hateful paths of despotism. They knew the proneness of prosperity to breed tyrants, and they meant when such should reappear in this fair land and commence their vocation, they should find left for them at least one hard nut to crack."

This view was the view of the Republican party. It was the fundamental principle of your administration, and was not seriously questioned for thirty-six years after your election as President. Indeed, the fact that your election vindicated your view of the Declaration was, as you well know, one principal reason why the writer and so many of your friends rejoiced in your election.