boarded the night train, passed through Baltimore in safety and reached the Capital in the morning, before it was generally known that he had left Harrisburg.

This hurried journey to Washington was sharply criticised and mercilessly ridiculed and caricatured in the papers of the day. Some went so far as to impute its motive to cowardice. It must be admitted that there are at least grave doubts that any such conspiracy existed or that there was any danger to be apprehended from the passage through Baltimore. The suspicions, however, were strong enough and the condition of the country sufficiently critical to justify the most extraordinary precautions to protect the person of the President-elect from all possible danger.

CHAPTER XIV.

LINCOLN had practically constructed his Cabinet before he left Springfield. It was a task of unusual difficulty, yet he executed it with judgment and moderation. The Republican party had been formed in large part, by recruits from the Whig and Democratic parties, the latter being in the majority. Something of the old-time antagonism existed between the quondam political foes and the great difficulty presented itself, in the formation of the Cabinet, of recognizing both wings in such a manner that satisfaction would be given to both and cause for jealousy to neither.

Here, at the very outset, Lincoln gave intimations of the fixed principle that was to guide him in his political appointments during his administration. He would recognize true patriotism as a standard for political preferment and not party affiliations. Other things being equal he made but little distinction between Democrats and Republicans, provided that the loyalty of the candidate was unquestioned. Never since Washington had a President placed so high a premium upon patriotism, and paid so little attention to politics. It made him many political enemies but brought him multitudes of friends from the masses of the people who recognized his earnest desire to administer the affairs of the Government for the gen

eral good. And later on, when the gathering storm of war burst upon the land and the adherents of the South strove to show that it was a war inspired and brought on by the "black Republicans," instead of choosing his officers exclusively from the party which had elected him, he gave full proof of the fact that he considered the question of suppessing the Rebellion to be a purely national one, and he made it his policy to gather to the national standard all loyal men of whatever party. The peril of the nation annihilates party, and he did not fail to appreciate the fact. Beyond a question he will be recognized in history as the most purely national and loyal Chief Magistrate of the century.

From the day of his election he had been beset by hordes of hungry office-seekers, who demanded that he should dismiss all the appointees of previous administrations and divide the spoils among those who had helped to elect him. A strong pressure was early brought to bear upon him to this end, but, although he listened courteously to all suggestions and advice, he remained firm in his determination to make removals from office only upon patriotic and not upon partisan grounds, and in many cases he even went further than this and showed his willingness to appoint his political enemies and rivals to the most important offices on grounds of qualification alone.

This principle was exemplified in the selection of Cabinet officers. Many men were recommended to him by influential politicians, who believed they had a claim upon him; yet he was for the most part uninfluenced by their representations, and made his selections solely with a view to the public good. He de

sired to enroll some moderate, but influential Southern men in the Cabinet, hoping that such action might materially assist in averting the war which was threatened. To this end he made overtures to Hon. John A. Gilmore, then a member of Congress from North Carolina. In a letter personally delivered by Thurlow Weed, he explained briefly his views upon the situation, and outlined the policy he intended to pursue. He then offered Mr. Gilmore a Cabinet portfolio which, however, he reluctantly refused in view of the probable secession of his State.

Before his election Mr. Lincoln had determined to offer the two leading positions, the State and Treasury Departments, to his two prominent rivals for the nomination, Messrs. Seward and Chase. And afterwards the Cabinet was completed by the selection of Hon. Simon Cameron as Secretary of War, Hon. Gideon Welles as Secretary of the Navy, Hon. E. H. Bates as Attorney General, Hon. Caleb Smith as Secretary of the Interior and Judge Montgomery Blair as Postmaster General.

The Cabinet, thus constituted, was a strong one, and every member of it was eminently qualified to fulfill the arduous duties of his position; yet there was not a single appointment which failed to excite bitter criticism and, in some cases, from within the party itself.

Mr. Seward was the most prominent and widely known of these gentlemen. He had been one of the founders of the party, and was noted for the earnestness with which he had entered into the struggle with the slave power. By his eloquent and forcible speeches

he had done much to bring together the diverse elements of the party, and to unite them for a victorious campaign. In a speech at Rochester he had been the first to predict the "irrepressible conflict," and, even sooner than Lincoln, he had announced his belief that the Government could not long exist half free and half slave. He was a cultured gentleman and a thorough scholar. He believed in a pacific policy and, as far as the dignity of the Government would permit, he believed concessions should be made to the South.

Salmon P. Chase had also been a prominent candidate for the Presidential nomination. His ability was unquestioned, and his mind clear and logical. In character he was above reproach, and yet, while he always commanded the highest respect, he lacked the elements which conduce to popularity, and never wielded much influence over the masses. His position was, undoubtedly, the most difficult and perplexing in the Cabinet. The expenses of a great war must be met from an empty Treasury and by a nation which was in the throes of civil war. Never had financial problems of greater magnitude been forced upon a government, and never had a man better fitted to deal with them been at the head of the Treasury. He had been a radical Abolitionist from the first and had never faltered in his principles, though in the midst of the most determined opposition.

Hon. Simon Cameron was given the position of Secretary of War, rather because of arrangements made before the Convention and his assistance during the campaign, than on account of his popularity. When it was understood that Mr. Lincoln contem