does not look upon it as wrong. The sentiment that contemplates the institution of slavery in this country as a wrong is the sentiment of the Republican party. It is the sentiment around which all their actions all their arguments-circle; from which all their propositions radiate. They look upon it as being a moral, social and political wrong; and while they contemplate it as such, they nevertheless have due regard for its actual existence among us, and the difficulties of getting rid of it in any satisfactory way, and to all the constitutional obligations thrown around it. Yet having a due regard for these, they desire a policy in regard to it that looks to its not creating any more danger. They insist that it should, as far as may be, be treated as a wrong; and one of the methods of treating it as a wrong is to make provision that it shall grow no larger. They also desire a policy that looks to a peaceful end of slavery at some time. These are the views they entertain in regard to it, as I understand them; and all their sentiments-all their arguments and propositions come within this range. I have said, and I repeat it here, that if there be a man among us, who does not think that the institution of slavery is wrong in any one of the aspects of which I have spoken, he is misplaced, and ought not to be with us. And if there be a man among us who is so impatient of it as a wrong as to disregard its actual presence among us, and the difficulty of getting rid of it suddenly in a satisfactory way, and to disregard the constitutional obligations thrown about it, that man is misplaced if he is on our platform. We disclaim sympathy with him in practical action. . . . That is the real issue

that is the issue that will continue in this country, when these poor tongues of Judge Douglas and myself shall be silent. It is the eternal struggle between these two principles, right and wrong, throughout the world. They are the two principles that have stood face to face since the beginning of time, and will ever continue to struggle. The one is the common right of humanity; the other is the divine right of kings. It is the same principle in whatever shape it develops itself. It is the same spirit that says, 'You work and toil and earn bread, and I will eat it.' No matter in what shape it comes-whether from the mouth of a king, who seeks to bestride the people of his own nation, and live upon the fruit of their labor, or from one race of men as an apology for enslaving another race, it is the same tyrannical principle."

"The contest between Douglas and Lincoln," says Dr. Newton Bateman, "was one between sharpness and greatness. Mr. Lincoln seemed a man strongly possessed by a belief to which he was earnestly striving to win the people over; while the aim of Mr. Douglas seemed rather to be simply to defeat Mr. Lincoln."

So serious did Lincoln consider his task that he departed from his custom and indulged in few pleasantries; yet, occasionally, his sense of the humorous led him to make some sharp hits against his opponent. In his speech at Galesburgh, Douglas remarked, with a sneer, that "honest Abe" had once been a liquor-seller. Lincoln replied that, when a young man, he had been compelled by poverty to work in a store where one of his duties was to retail liquor;

"but," said he, "the difference between Judge Douglas and myself is just this, that while I was behind the bar, he was in front of it."

At another time Douglas said that his father, who was an excellent cooper, had apprenticed him to learn the cabinet business. Lincoln seized the opportunity to remark that he had long known that Douglas was in the cabinet business, but he had never known that his father was a cooper; "But," said he, "I have no doubt that he was a good one, for he made one of the best whiskey casks I have ever seen," at the same time bowing to his opponent, who was sitting near him. The allusion was instantly understood by the audience, and was greeted with roars of laughter.

During the campaign Mr. Lincoln spoke about fifty times, yet when he made his last speech his voice was as clear and vigorous as ever, and he "seemed like a trained athlete, ready to enter, rather than one who had closed a conflict." There is no question but that the advantage in the contest lay with Mr. Lincoln rather than with Mr. Douglas, yet he failed to secure his election to the Senate; for, although the Republican State officers were elected, the Legislature remained Democratic on account of the hold-over Representatives, and Judge Douglas was re-elected to his third Senatorial term.

It is unnecessary to say that Lincoln was deeply disappointed. Yet the splendid results of his great debates were exceedingly gratifying to him. They really formed the opening to the last great period in his career-the period for which all the preceding years of his life had been but the preparation, though

unconsciously to himself. To the student of his life. and times it is plainly to be seen that every element and influence of his life tended to give him the most complete preparation for his last five years. His Presidential term was but the blossom of which his previous life had furnished the stalk and leaf; but, alas, the blossom was destined never to develop into the ripe fruit.

CHAPTER XI.

HENCEFORTH Lincoln was looked upon, throughout the country, as a new factor in politics, unexpected and unique, but original and forcible. And the eyes of the Republican party turned towards him as a possible candidate for the Presidency. As the Democracy was dividing itself into two factions, the moderate and radical, of which the former was represented by Judge Douglas, so the Republicans found a similar division in their ranks. Mr. Seward, the recognized leader of the party, represented the extreme Abolition element, and Lincoln, the more moderate wing. Whereas the former had said and done much to alienate from him many of the rank and file of the party, Lincoln, by his splendid, yet moderate, championship of the party principles, had gained the friendship of all, the enmity of none. From this time on he continued to grow in the estimation of the party, and his every act served to confirm his popularity. He was a politician as well as a statesman, and to assume that he remained unconcernedly at home, and did nothing to accelerate the current which was carrying him towards the Presidential chair, is to ignore historical facts. He was ambitious, and his still more ambitious wife did much to arouse By letters, addresses and consulta

and urge him on.

tions he labored to strengthen his hold upon his