the individualism of American democracy did not look to Congress as the fit author of such an issue. The thirteen states were then considered the proper source. When, twelve years later, the adoption of the national Constitution was the issue, all who opposed adoption were identified locally with the party favoring an unlimited state issue of paper currency. Seventeen votes could have rejected the Constitution in the conventions called to ratify it and thrown the country into political chaos. The framers of the Constitution knew the state of the country when they inserted the clause forbidding the states to issue bills of credit or coin money, or "make anything but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts. But the critical struggle which resulted, happily, in the formation of the more perfect union was long ago; it is now quite forgotten, and its issues, even when made known, only slightly affect the conduct of the living. Soon after the close of the Civil War the vast wealth of the country began to fall into the hands of a few. Some by accident, but a greater number by skill, increased their fortunes far beyond any precedent which this country had afforded. A few of these men of vast wealth were farmers; most of them were manufacturers or the owners of exclusive franchises. History now repeated itself. The cry in 1846 had been, "Down with corporations"; now the cry was, "Down with monopolies." Nor was the cry a sudden one. The murmurs of discontent had been swelling for twenty years. Individualism took new alarm, and through a powerful political party sought to utilize the national government in self-defense. Public sentiment throughout the West was sterner than in the East. When the people of the Dakotas and Montana and Idaho and Wyoming and Washington and Utah sought admission into the Union, they had already defined in their state constitutions the monopolies with which they were contending, and they attempted to defend the individual in the exercise of his industrial rights. They went further in their effort to diminish the power of monopolies than New York, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, and Michigan had gone in their efforts to diminish the power of 1860-1900] THE RIGHT TO LABOR 611 corporations half a century before. This struggle between individualism and monopoly was not a sudden quarrel. When a written constitution formulates such a struggle, it is evidence that the struggle has long been going on. Private thought has become public sentiment; agitation has become the statute, and the statute has been embodied in the constitution. These anti-monopoly clauses in the later state constitutions are evidence that the doctrine of 1776 has been given a new interpretation. Another step has been taken from individualism to socialism. In 1776 it was the state which had few rights that the individual felt bound to respect; in our day, individuals complain that they have few rights which corporations and monopolies respect. Therefore the individual appeals to the government for protection. He seeks to organize a government in which some corporations and all monopolies shall be unconstitutional. This essentially is socialism. These anti-monopoly constitutions, and the legislation resting upon them, are little state arks of safety leading the way for the national fleet of the future. In the fundamental laws of the commonwealths admitted since 1876, the industrial interpretation of the doctrine of the Declaration is unmistakable. Thus North Dakota in its bill of rights defines the natural rights of man to be industrial as well as political. His is "the right to labor," and it is the function of the state to secure him both occupation and the fruits of his labor. Between him and monopolies the state shall be a barrier. The state is viewed to-day in an entirely different light from that of a century ago. The individualism of 1776 complained of too much government; to-day it complains of too little. Then the state was not conceived as an organism functioned to promote the general welfare; now the state is conceived as the source and fountain of justice, protection, and authority. No one in Jefferson's time conceived of the state as the true and exclusive owner of rights and privileges in our day exercised by common carriers, such as railroad, steamship, telegraph, and traction companies. State ownership, county ownership, city ownership, of such properties is no longer an unfamiliar thought. The later constitutions are full of a latent socialism of which those of the eighteenth century contain no hint. Nor are these later instruments unsupported. A various and voluminous body of legislation embodies an approving public opinion. There is evidence here of a discontent which turns with confidence to government as the common protector and to the national government as supreme. The confidence bred by prosperity is strengthened by the hope bred amidst adversity. The socialization of government has begun. A Abolitionists, 388-404. Adams, Alvon, 432. INDEX Adams, Charles Francis, 386, 457, 475. Adams, John Quincy, 320, 343; President, Adams, John Quincy (2d), 476, 477. Agriculture, Colonial, 146, 147 (1776-1800), Aguinaldo, 523. Alabama, admitted, 348, 495. Alabama claims, 475. Alabama, the, 457. Alaska, 347, 470, 504, 580. Albany, 356. Alcott, Louisa M., 436. Aldrich, T. B., 435. Alexander VI., Pope, 16. Algonquin race, the, 3. Alien act, 306-308. Allen, Ethan, 69, 162. Allen, Horatio, 362. Alliance, Farmers' party (1890), 510, 511. Almanac, Colonial, the, 155, 156 (1776-1800), Amendments to Constitution, the first "American System," the, 357 (see tariff). Amherst, Jeffrey, General, 122. Amusements (1776-1800), 325, 326 (1800-30), Anæsthetics, discovery of, 428. Anderson, Robert, Major, 440, 444. 445, Andrè, John, Major, 217, 218. Andros, Sir Edmund, in New York, 53; Anne's War, Queen, 110. Antietam, 458. Anti-Masonic Convention, 370. Anti-Nebraska Men, 398. Appomattox, 464. Army, first revolutionary, 160-167, 203-220 Arnold, Benedict, 165, 210, 217, 218. Arlington, Lord, and Virginia, 40, 41. Ashburton, Lord, 378. Assumption, of revolutionary debts, 290- Bacon, Nathaniel, 40, 41. Baltimore, 311, 312, 342, 354, 357, 380, 386, Baltimore, Lord (see Calvert). Bank, U. S. (1791), 293, 294; charter re- Barlow, Joel, 315, 359. Beauregard, General, 444, 449, 450. Beecher, H. W., 365. Benton, Thomas H., 320, 366, 392, 437. Berkeley, Lord, 83. Berkeley, Sir William, 38-42. Beverley (Mass.), 323. Bible, the, 314. Bidwell, John, 511. Brooks, John A., 505. Brooks, Phillips, 435. Brown, B. Gratz, 476, 477. Brown, Charles Brockden, 315. Brown, John, 402. Brown University, 67. Brush, Charles G., 584. Bryant, William Cullen, 317, 359, 365, 434, Buchanan, James, 399, 400; administration, Buckner, Simon B. General, 450, 515. Buffalo (city), 354, 380, 386. Bull Run, 449, 454. Bunker Hill, 163-164. Burgoyne, John, General, 209-211. Burke, Edmund, 132. Burlingame, Anson, 470. Burnett, Frances H., 436. Cambon, M., 522. Camden, S. C., 217. Canadians, where settled, 582. Canals, in 1830, 354, 355 (1830-1860), 430. Cape Cod, 56. Carey, Mathew, 315. Carolinas, discovered by John Cabot, 15: Catawbas, the, 3. Catholics, Roman, Indian_missions, 5; in Cedar Creek, 462. Census (1790), 311 (1800), 327 (1830), 353, Central Falls, 357. Cervera, Admiral, 519, 520. Chadds Ford, 209. Chambers, B. J., 499. Champlain, Samuel de, founds Quebec, 26; character of, 27; antagonizes the Channing, William Ellery, 359. Chapultepec, 383. Charitable Institutions, 490. Charles I. and Maryland, 92-95, and New Charles II. and Virginia, 39, 40, and New Charleston, S. C., 216, 311, 354, 403. Charter, of Massachusetts (1629), 62; an- Chemicals, 356. Cherokees, the, 3. |