strong and lasting impression I could wish; that they will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course, which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations. But, if I may even flatter myself, that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated.

How far in the discharge of my official duties, I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. To myself, the assurance of my own conscience is, that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them.

In relating to the still subsisting war in Europe, my Proclamation of the 22d of April, 1793, is the index of my Plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your Representatives in both Houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it.

After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral position. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it, with moderation, perseverance, and firmness.

The considerations, which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe, that, according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the Belligerent Powers, has been virtually admitted by all.

The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without anything more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations,

The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be referred to your own reflections and experience. With me, a predominant motive has been to endeavor to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress without interruption to that degree of strength and consistency, which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes.

Though, in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope, that my Country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.

Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man, who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations; I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat, in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government, the ever favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers. GEORGE WASHINGTON.

United States, September 17th, 1796.

LINCOLN'S INAUGURATION.

THE ELECTION OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.

The South maintain an This would

On

ON the sixth day of November, 1860, Abraham Lincoln was elected President of the United States. For the fifteen years preceding, the country had been in a state of constant agitation respecting the question of the extension of slavery. The Mexican War, the admission of Texas, the admission of California, the Repeal of the Missouri Compromise, the conflict in Kansas and Nebraska, the Dred Scott Decision were all phases of a struggle which had been growing more intense and bitter and which had awakened painful forebodings in all patriotic hearts. had grown bold and aggressive. It was determined to equal representation in the senate with the North. be impossible without the admission of more slave states. the other hand the idea that the ownership of one man by another was a moral wrong, that it brought degradation to both master and slave and that therefore the system which was identified with the spread of these evils must be " cribbed, cabined, and confined," had been taking a deeper hold of the public conscience in the North. Hence men talked of an "irrepressible conflict." The national outcome was the formation of the Republican party in 1856, whose cardinal principle was opposition to the extension of slavery in the territories. On this issue Mr. Lincoln had won an election to the senate of the United States after a most exciting contest with Judge Douglas. In this great senatorial contest he had shown himself to be not only a very able debater and a wise politician, but a man of earnest convictions and firm principles. This event had, doubtless, an important influence in securing his nomination for the presidency in 1860. The election resulted in the choice of Mr. Lincoln by a popular vote greater than any President had ever before received. The four months interven

ing between his election and inauguration were full of the most stirring events. Beginning with South Carolina seven states had passed Ordinances of secession and met Feb. 4th at Montgomery, Ala., to form a Confederacy. The ostensible reason for this movement was presented by the Governor of South Carolina, who justified it on the ground that "in the recent election for President and Vice-President, the North had carried the election upon principles that make it no longer safe for us to rely upon the powers of the Federal Government or the guarantees of the Federal Compact." But other leaders in the Confederacy had the frankness to avow that this was not a spasmodic movement, but the result of a long cherished purpose. After his election to the vice-presidency of the Confederacy Mr. Stephens found the real reason for the movement to be that it has put at rest forever all agitating questions relating to our peculiar institutions. . . . the proper status of the negro in our form of civilization." Meanwhile several members of Pres. Buchanan's cabinet had resigned their positions, the senators from the seceding states had left their seats in Congress and the forts, arsenals, and other public property of the United States within the limits of the Confederacy had been seized. The session of Congress had been wasted in futile attempts to conciliate the South by the passage of various resolutions, and amendments to the Constitution. As a pledge of their intention not to interfere with slavery they had adopted a Resolution to amend the constitution, prohibiting forever any amendment of the same interfering with slavery in any State.

Mr. Buchanan had declined to interfere with any movements looking to the establishment of an independent government in the South. Officers of the army and navy were entering the Confederate service and extensive preparations were being made for the reduction of Fort Sumter. The closing weeks of the administration were multiplying the difficulties that would beset the assumption of the presidential office by his successor. Mr. Lincoln did not exaggerate the fact in saying that those duties were greater than had devolved upon any other man since the days of Washington."

THE INAUGURAL ADDRESS.

MR. LINCOLN had arrived in Washington February 23d. On his way from Springfield, Ill., he had addressed attentive crowds, in all the large cities as far east as Albany, upon the topics that were then uppermost in the minds of all men. These addresses were full of loyalty to the Union, of unbounded confidence in the people and expressed the most devout desire for divine guidance and support.

The latter part of his journey had been hastened by the discovery of a plot intended to prevent his reaching the Capital. His friends had thought best to frustrate this plot by a sudden change of plan. It was with a feeling of relief that the people learned of his safe arrival in Washington.

According to the usual custom the ceremony of inauguration took place in front of the Capitol. The constitutional oath was administered by Chief Justice Taney, who three years before had framed the Dred Scott Decision. Judge Douglas stood by his side and held his hat. The address was delivered in presence of an immense multitude of spectators, and of a large military force under the command of General Scott. It was listened to with profound attention, and all the passages which contained any allusion to the Union were heartily cheered.

The address in almost every line reveals the manner of one who proposes to meet a grave crisis by an appeal to the noblest sentiments of our nature-an appeal to reason and to patriotism. The language is dignified, direct, and devoid of ornament except in the concluding paragraph which is strikingly figurative and exquisitely finished. There runs through it a certain tone of respectful friendliness to the South. With a spirit of evident sincerity. he repels the charge that his election was likely to endanger the personal security or the property of the people of the South. Appealing to his previous utterances, and to the platform of the party which has elected him, he re-asserts his intention to administer the constitution and the laws as the yare, with no mental reservations and with no purpose to construe the constitution by any hypercritical rules." With equal frankness he states