the popish deceiver for the ignorant Roman Catholics. If Arians, Socinians, or Unitarians, had been as numerous as the Papifts, they would, probably, have equally coalefced with the French fraternizers, who always, indeed, meet with lefs obstacles to their purposes in these descriptions of men, than in the profeffors of the found, fcriptural, and loyal religion of the established Church. This is not the period to encrease the political power, or, in their cant, political liberty, of persons naturally disaffected! it is not the time for Catholic Emancipation, that is, the destruction of the Ecclefiaftical Establishment of Ireland; it is not the æra for repealing the Test or Corporation Acts, or placing the teacher of a conventicle, on an equality with a clergyman of the Church of England or Ireland. But, viewing all these characters with a fufpicious eye, and carefully watching all their proceedings, we yet regard an enlightened Catholic as a better Christian than the Unitarians, Priestley and Belsham, look upon the expatriated priests of France with complacency and pity, and think their religion a blessing to the universe, when compared with the theophilanthropifm, atheifin, and immorality, of French philosophy.

THE REVIEWERS REVIEWED.

ART. I. Remarks on the Conduct of Oppofition, during the prefent Parliament. By Geoffrey Mowbray, Efq. Pp. 117 Price 2s. 6d. Wright, 1798.

THE work before

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us affumes epiftolary form, but is not subscribed with the name mentioned in the title-page, which we understand to be fictitious. Whatever the author's name be, it deserves not to remain in obscurity, as his production, in point of principle, fentiment, and reasoning, shews him to be a loyal and patriotic subject, and an able writer.

He confiders the conduct of the Opposition, whom he styles the New Whigs, first, generally, in their seceflion from Parliament, in their declarations and conduct at tavern meetings, on different occafions, but particularly those of the Whig Club. He repeats opposition accounts of the state of the country, and demonstrates that, were these true, the obligation would only be the stronger on patriot statefmen to administer to its relief; that the weaker, or more wicked, they reprefent represent the present servants of his Majesty, the more it is their duty to exert their talents and virtue, to lessen the evils refulting from that weakness and wickedness. The reasons affigned by them, in announcing their intention, the writer shews were much more hurtful than the measure itself which they had in contemplation.

"They declared that our representative system is effete, rotten, and inadequate to the functions of a free government; that the sentiments of the country have no weight in the Commons' House of Par liament; all conftitutional controul is funk, and swallowed up in minifterial influence. The measures of a profligate administration are voted in a mood of rash and unmerited confidence, while the falutary counsels of upright statesmen are rejected with disdain." Pp. 2, 3.

Were this account true as it is false and wicked, the plain inference would be overturn the present Constitution of the House of Commons. The writer shews the falsehood of their affertion, that the present House of Commons do not speak the fentiments of their constituents. Notwithstanding the zealous efforts of oppofition to procure addresses for the removal of his Majesty's Minifters, in most counties, they did not venture to call a meeting of the people, well assured that their proposition would be negatived: in many, where they did hazard the attempt, they were out-voted. But even if the House of Commons were as imperfect as they represent, that was no reason for members of the House of Peers to defert their duty. The writer next comes to the Whig Club, and often, justly, and strongly, as the proceedings of those meetings have been exposed, we have never feen them handled with more ability than in the present performance. After fome observations on the leading members of that society he gives the following description of the herd:

"These last are an ill-forted gang, such as are readily picked up in a large and corrupted city; a mob of writers for public prints; of politicians without knowledge; of lawyers without business; of men of fashion without fortune; and of tradesmen without employment. Most of them in the jaws of bankruptcy and ruin. All of them at war with the wholesome restraints and sober demeanour of a well-ordered government. Men who turn the restlessness of their own minds, and the melancholy confequences of their own faults, into a charge of high mifdemeanour, and crime against the ministry; whose discontents do not arife from any general grievance, but have their fource in a want of industry to increase their means to the capacious fize of their appetites; or of fortitude to reduce their appetites within the narrow compass of their means." Pp. 18, 19.

We think the author, accurate and eloquent as his defcription of the Whig Club is, overlooks one fertile fource of CROWNCROWN-AND-ANCHOR WHIGS, that is, the vanity of weak, ignorant, and infignificant men, who become members of the Whig Club to have an opportunity of repeating the names of men of genius, parrotting their common-place observations, mangling what is new, because they were too dull to understand it; flattering themselves, when they return to the circles of their neighbours, that these will impute to them some of the brilliancy and force of their occafional affociates; as if any man of sense would believe ignorance and weakness to be one whit less ignorance and weakness because it happened to fit at the fame table with Sheridan and Fox. This filly love of distinction, by persons who have neither talents nor virtue to attain it by any thing really praifeworthy, we have reason to believe, frequently recruits the Whig Club; as our author may be, probably, convinced, on extending his enquiries.

Having discussed the general conduct of opposition he enters into a more particular enquiry, and examines three points at issue between them and ministry: Ist. The conduct to be observed towards Ireland; 2d. The subject of the Peace; and 3d. The present system of Taxation. On the first of these questions he shews himself thoroughly acquainted with the state of Ireland, civil and religious, previous to the treasonable designs of the United Irishmen; investigates the causes, and marks the rife and progress, of disaffection, juftifies the measures of Government to repress it, and reprobates the speeches and conduct of opposition, as fomenting and cherishing a spirit leading to insurrection and rebellion; contends that the extension of Catholic privileges was a mere pretext, and that the United Irishmen had really entered into terms with France; an inference highly probable from circumstances then known, but now confirmed by the testimony of the principal conspirators before the Secret Committee. He proves that the New Whigs (whether intentionally or not they best know hitherto) actually increased the disaffection, and encouraged the hopes of the United Irishmen. In considering the second point, the negociation, he manifests a complete knowledge of the subject; and, although much novelty is not to be expected on a topic so often examined, there are many ingenious remarks on the conduct of opposition leaders respecting its failure. In confidering the present system of taxation, he, with great ability, exposes the financial ignorance of Lord Lauderdale, although he allows his Lordship to possess much acuteness and ingenuity, yet he proves his calculations to be entirely erroneous, and, confequently, his conclufions from them false. With a very ftrong

NO. VII. VOL. II.

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and seasonable exhortation to his countrymen not to admit, without examination, the injurious statements of the New Whigs, he finishes his pamphlet with the following juft reflections :

"Moft afsuredly, our situation is not deftitute of danger, when the efforts of the country are opposed and thwarted by fuch men. Neither is it to be concealed that we cannot hope for fuccefs against our natural enemy without confiderable self-denial on the part of the rich. But what country has purchased glory and advantage at an inferior price? When we fight for our domeftic liberties, for our foreign independence, and for our commercial rights; when we rise up to protect Europe from anarchy, barbarifm, and final fubjugation, the object is worthy of the effort, and the refult is in the hands of God. If we fall in fuch a contest, we fall as becomes a noble people, leav ing an example to our pofterity which may excite them to avenge us.

"I know, my dear friend, you agree with me in thinking that there is but little probability of such a melancholy event. Alone, and unaffifted, our native strength is more than fufficient to enfure us final fuccefs. But courage and magnanimity have never failed to procure allies. A very short resistance must rally Europe round our standard. Those powers, which are still independent, cannot long endure the contemptuous violation of their rights, the restless spirit, the overbearing haughtiness, and the ambitious plans of the French Republic. Her enormous exactions from her allies, and her newlyacquired dominions, have sown the feeds of resistance, discontent, and infurrection. It does not require much fagacity to foresee that a storm is now gathering which must ultimately burst upon her." Pp. 116, 117.

We are happy to hear that a work of fo falutary a tendency has had great circulation, and we doubt not that every fenfible, impartial, and constitutional gentleman, who has read it, will join with us in praising its object and execution, and recommending its perusal to all the friends of this country.

The Analytical Reviewers are less violent in their attack on this than on many other conftitutional performances. But, to make up for their moderation on the subject in question, they are very violent on a subject not in questionthe conduct of the Government towards Ireland. But hear the late worthies themselves. -" Let it be remembered, that there was a time, during our struggle with America, in which - a change of ministry would have reconciled the Americans to us, and preferved the union of the parent and the children. We spared the ministry, and lost the colonies; we may now spare the ministry, and lose Ireland. Verbum fat."

A very common fophiftry, among Jacobins, is the assimilation of the American revolution with that of France, and others others which French principles have produced, or been likely to produce. We are far from imputing this doctrine altogether to the depraved wills of Jacobins; we attribute it, partly, to the imbecillity of their understandings. Minds capable of investigating principles would find that the American revolution arose chiefly from special causes: in the first place, repugnance to innovations respecting revenue; secondly, indecision and fluctuation in our counsels; thirdly, want of vigour in the execution of ministerial plans. In the Americans, there was nothing inimical to religion, to the rights of property, to social order; there was no resemblance to French or Irish Jacobinism. In the British counsels and conduct there was neither the vigour, the decifion, nor the wisdom, of the present government. The assertion of resemblance is, therefore, false, and the inference drawn from it abfurd.

ART. II. An Oblique View of the Grand Conspiracy against Social Order, &c.

(Continued from P. 692, VOL. I.)

WE now refume our extracts from this co-operator in

the falutary task of expofing, to public indignation, the malignant efforts of Jacobinical Critics. His remarks on the Analytical Review-now consigned to a revolutionary state of eternal fleep- are thus continued :

"We find also, in the same volume, a curious extract from Dr. Kippis' Fast Sermon,-inferted probably with the same design, as the extracts already quoted, which, in many points of view, merits once more the public attention. From what has been faid (observes the Doctor) the disturbers of the world (meaning evidently, as ap. pears by the sequel, the conductors of all the established governments in Europe, but especially, Emperors and Kings,) might fee that they cannot effectually fight against God. I say they might fee this; but that they will not, in fact, attend to so important a truth, is much to be apprehended. They will probably push forwards their impious projects, (to crush the conspiracy we are tracing, but if they obstinately persist in their injustice and their iniquity, let them remember that their attempts shall fooner or later be confounded. While they are eagerly striving to crush the interests of mankind they shall in the conclufion contribute to their establishment and increase. It is not to be expected that the voice of preachers should be regarded amidst the

*" Dr. Pr-stley has likewise told us THAT A TRAIN IS LAID." madness

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