Two unexpected characteristics of the struggle were not taken into account. One was, the desperate earnestness of the rebels themselves; the other was, the effect of the pressure of self-interest upon the two leading powers of Europe. Added to the latter, was the growing jealousy towards free institutions-and towards a Republic that was successfully vindicating their power, on the part of the monarchical governments of the old world. The Union, in its integrity and prosperity, is a perpetual menace to the stability of the thrones of Europe, because it is proving the capacity of the people for self-government, and is a perpetual protest against the Divine right of kings. Yet, the administration of Mr. Lincoln, pledged to the support of the ideas of the age, was warranted in anticipating from the civilized powers of the world, the most cordial expressions of interest, the fullest countenance and the readiest co-operation. Theprogress of events has proved that these were not needed; but we certainly were justified in hoping for their manifestation.

During the last year, it has been clearly proved that the rebellious States were really determined to dissever their connection with the federal Union. They were thoroughly in earnest. With all the passionate fervor for which the people of a Southern clime are distinguished, they were ready to go to all extremes for the accomplishment of their purpose. They have made great sacrifices; they have suffered great privations; they have endured unwonted toils and hardships; they have bravely confronted danger and death. We cannot but confess, that their perseverance in the midst of difficulties, their pertinacity, their persistent confidence in ultimate success, even in the midst of discourage

ments and disasters, are exceedingly creditable to Southern character. Their declaration of independence was not a mere paper pronunciamento. They have proved that they were willing to stand by it and defend it. They have shed much blood for its sake. They have exhibited considerable ability, and much vigilance, shrewdness and daring. In a just cause, they would almost seem to have deserved success.

But there is something in the principle for which they are contending, which warps the judgment, infects the reason with strange sophistries, distorts the moral perceptions, corrupts the conscience, and hardens the heart. Its dishonesty, its falsehood, its disregard of the most sacred obligations, its desecration of the most solemn oaths, compacts and sanctions, its utter shamelessness and savageness, have effectually neutralized all the virtues that would naturally be educed among a people that professed to be struggling for freedom. It depraves man; it unsexes woman. Treason, always unlovely, especially so when it is directed against a beneficent government, becomes absolutely abhorrent in the aspect which it has presented among the American people. It is a matter of profoundest sorrow, that the energy and enthusiasm, which it has manifested, should be so grossly and so wickedly misdirected. The loyal supporters of the government could not readily understand the desperate nature of the strife to which they were called. We hardly knew that we were really at war with an alert and resolute foe, who was determined to ruin, when he found that he could no longer rule the government. We could scarcely believe it possible, that American institutions could have developed a movement so utterly contradictory to all our theories,

and so suicidal in itself. My fellow citizens, it is not an American institution that has engendered this strife. It is an institution foreign to the policy which the fathers of the Republic desired to inaugurate,-foreign to the principles which they endeavored to enunciate,— foreign to the civilization which they wished to establish, and foreign to the empire of humanity which they struggled to found. They hoped, that in the mighty growth of freedom, this poisonous parasite would wither. Their hope was vain; for, as the tree of liberty spread its branches to the sky, the clinging vine wound itself more closely around them, till nothing but the sword could free them from its deadly embrace. We have been rudely awakened to a knowledge of its true character, as we have been forced to gather its bitter fruits.

It has also been clearly proved, that the loyal people of the nation must preserve the Republic by their own unaided exertions. But little sympathy and no aid from abroad are to be expected. Russia, true to her traditions, and now pressing forward in a new career of greatness, was cordial in her expressions of friendship. Italy was occupied with her own great strife for freedom. Spain looked coldly on, an almost indifferent spectator. France and England, falsifying all former professions, acknowledged the belligerent character of both parties, and stood ready to recognize the Southern Confederacy as soon as a moderate degree of success on the part of the rebels would warrant such a measure. The governments of those two countries professed and proclaimed a neutrality, all whose disadvantages were intended to fall upon the United States, and all whose benefits were designed to accrue to the rebels in arms.

There have been, and are still, in the kingdoms of Europe, large parties of men giving tone to the government, who, unquestionably, would rejoice at the hopeless severance of our national ties. The young Republic of the West, in its rapid and powerful growth, was becoming a too important power among the nations. Democracy was intrinsically feeble; and, if the experiment of self-government should prove a failure on the very field which it had chosen, and which furnished the best opportunities for success, the thrones of Europe were safe for centuries. The struggling masses of European peoples could have no further incitement to seek in revolution the cure for the ills of tyranny. Were Republicanism proved, by its own want of success, to have no elements of stability and no inspiration to loyalty, and to become only the parent of civil discord, the monarchists of the old world would have an irrefutable argument against all the reasonings of the advocates of liberty. So, the statesmen of England told the world that the "bubble of Democracy had burst." So, the potentates of Europe began to look upon the United States as a power which could be of no further importance in deciding the destiny of human civilization. So, the monarchical party went as far as it dared, in giving assistance and encouragement to the revolted States. But there is no logic like the logic of events. There is no argument like the argument of success. Franklin declared, in 1777, that the cause of the 'American colonies then was the "cause of all mankind,” and that the soldiers of the Revolution "were fighting for the liberties of all men as well as their own." The cause of the United States to-day has not changed its character. It is still the "cause of all mankind." Now,

as then, we are fighting for the liberties of all men, as well as our own. Our soldiers, in the field, have proved, by their brave exploits and their continued victories, that they understand the nature of the contest. Let our statesmen, in council, be as wise in their policy, and our country will become-as once it was fondly hoped"the pole-star to which, from all sides, the eyes of struggling nations turn."

But on what plea has the preservation of the Republic become the necessity of our times? They, whose parricidal hands have been raised to destroy the mother who has nursed them, must present to the enlightened conscience of mankind some justification of their conduct, if they wish to escape universal condemnation. They, who desire to divide the Republic, must offer some defence for their action. If the Republic represents the best government in the world; if it means peace, civilization and human progress; if the Union is, to all nations, the symbol of liberty and law, then it must follow, that they, who are attempting its destruction, must be charged with the guilt of a crime against humanity! What have they to answer to the charge? We must remember, that this contest, relieved of the different prejudices and partizan selfishness which gather about it on either side, is to be decided, not in the present age, but before the tribunal of history, which, with calm and unimpassioned judgment, is to weigh the cause. Behind the minor pleas, which are offered, and which are merely preliminary to the trial— such as the maintenance of state sovereignty, the fear of interference with local institutions and the rights of property, the apprehension of unjust and oppressive measures on the part of the ruling Administration, the